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from coal-burning power plants) donated $100,000 to Patrick Michaels and his group, New Hope Environmental Services, and solicited additional private donations from its members.[231][232][unreliable source?][233] The Union of Concerned Scientists have produced a report titled 'Smoke, Mirrors & Hot Air',[234] that criticizes ExxonMobil for "underwriting the most sophisticated and most successful disinformation campaign since the tobacco industry" and for "funnelling about $16 million between 1998 and 2005 to a network of ideological and advocacy organizations that manufacture uncertainty on the issue". In 2006 Exxon said that it was no longer going to fund these groups[235] though that statement has been challenged by Greenpeace.[236] The Center for the Study of Carbon Dioxide and Global Change, a skeptic group, when confronted about the funding of a video they put together ($250,000 for "The Greening of Planet Earth" from an oil company) stated, "We applaud Western Fuels for their willingness to publicize a side of the story that we believe to be far more correct than what at one time was 'generally accepted'. But does this mean that they fund The Center? Maybe it means that we fund them!"[237] The science wars were a series of intellectual exchanges, between scientific realists and postmodernist critics, about the nature of scientific theory and intellectual inquiry. They took place principally in the United States in the 1990s in the academic and mainstream press. Scientific realists (such as Norman Levitt, Paul R. Gross, Jean Bricmont and Alan Sokal) argued that scientific knowledge is real, and accused the postmodernists of having effectively rejected scientific objectivity, the scientific method, and scientific knowledge. Postmodernists interpreted Thomas Kuhn's ideas about scientific paradigms to mean that scientific theories are social constructs, and philosophers like Paul Feyerabend argued that other, non-realist forms of knowledge production were better suited to serve personal and spiritual needs. Though much of the theory associated with 'postmodernism' (see poststructuralism) did not make any interventions into the natural sciences, the scientific realists took aim at its general influence. The scientific realists argued that large swaths of scholarship, amounting to a rejection of objectivity and realism, had been influenced by major 20th Century poststructuralist philosophers (such as Jacques Derrida, Gilles Deleuze, Jean-François Lyotard and others),
whose work they declared to be incomprehensible or meaningless. They implicated a broad range of fields in this trend, including cultural studies, cultural anthropology, feminist studies, comparative literature, media studies, and science and technology studies. They accused those postmodernist critics who did actually discuss science of having a limited understanding of it.
Contents [hide]
1 Historical background
1.1 Postmodernism
2 The science wars
2.1 Science wars in Social Text
2.2 Continued conflict
3 See also
4 Notes
5 References
6 External links
Historical background[edit]
Until the mid-20th century, the philosophy of science had concentrated on the viability of scientific method and knowledge, proposing justifications for the truth of scientific theories and observations and attempting to discover at a philosophical level why science worked. Karl Popper, an early opponent of logical positivism in the 20th century, repudiated the classical observationalist/inductivist form of scientific method in favour of empirical falsification. He is also known for his opposition to the classical justificationist account of knowledge which he replaced with critical rationalism, "the first non justificational philosophy of criticism in the history of philosophy".[1] His criticisms of scientific method were adopted by several postmodernist critiques.[2]
A number of 20th century philosophers maintained that logical models of pure science do not apply to actual scientific practice. It was the publication of Thomas Kuhn's The Structure of Scientific Revolutions in 1962, however, which fully opened the study of science to new disciplines by suggesting that the evolution of science was in part sociologically determined and that it did not operate under the simple logical laws put forward by the logical positivist school of philosophy.
Kuhn described the development of scientific knowledge not as a linear increase in truth and understanding, but as a series of periodic revolutions which overturned the old scientific order and replaced it with new orders (what he called "paradigms"). Kuhn attributed much of this process to the interactions and strategies of the human participants in science rather than its own innate logical structure. (See sociology of scientific knowledge).
Some interpreted Kuhn's ideas to mean that scientific theories were, either wholly or in part, social constructs, which many interpreted as diminishing the claim of science to representing objective reality (though many social constructivists do not put forward this claim), and that reality had a lesser or potentially irrelevant role in the formation of scientific theories. In 1971, Jerome Ravetz published Scientific Knowledge and its Social Problems, a book describing the role that the scientific community, as a social construct, plays in accepting or rejecting objective scientific knowledge.[3]
Postmodernism[edit] Critical theory is a school of thought that stresses the reflective assessments and critique of society and culture by applying knowledge from the social sciences and the humanities. As a term, critical theory has two meanings with different origins and histories: the first originated in sociology and the second originated in literary criticism, whereby it is used and applied as an umbrella term that can describe a theory founded upon critique; thus, the theorist Max Horkheimer described a theory as critical insofar as it seeks "to liberate human beings from the circumstances that enslave them."[1]
In sociology and political philosophy, the term critical theory describes the neo-Marxist philosophy of the Frankfurt School, which was developed in Germany in the 1930s. Frankfurt theorists drew on the critical methods of Karl Marx and Sigmund Freud. Critical theory maintains that ideology is the principal obstacle to human liberation.[2] Critical theory was established as a school of thought primarily by five Frankfurt School theoreticians: Herbert Marcuse, Theodor Adorno, Max Horkheimer, Walter Benjamin, and Erich Fromm. Modern critical theory has additionally been influenced by György Lukács and Antonio Gramsci, as well as the second generation Frankfurt School scholars, notably Jürgen Habermas. In Habermas's work, critical theory transcended its theoretical roots in German idealism, and progressed closer to American pragmatism. Concern for social "base and superstructure" is one of the remaining Marxist philosophical concepts in much of the contemporary critical theory.[3]
While critical theorists have been frequently defined as Marxist intellectuals,[4] their tendency to denounce some Marxist concepts and to combine Marxian analysis with other sociological and philosophical traditions has resulted in accusations of revisionism by Classical, Orthodox, and Analytical Marxists, and by Marxist-Leninist philosophers. Martin Jay has stated that the first generation of critical theory is best understood as not promoting a specific philosophical agenda or a specific ideology, but as "a gadfly of other systems".[5]
Contents [hide]
1 Definitions
2 In social theory
2.1 Postmodern critical theory
3 Language and construction
3.1 Language and communication
3.2 Construction
4 21st Century
5 See also
5.1 Lists
5.2 Subfields
5.3 Journals related and/or dedicated to critical theory or critical sociology
6 Footnotes
7 References
8 External links
8.1 Archival collections
8.2 Other
Definitions[edit]
The two meanings of critical theory—from different intellectual traditions associated with the meaning of criticism and critique—derive ultimately from the Greek word ???t????, kritikos meaning judgment or discernment, and in their present forms go back to the 18th century. While they can be considered completely independent intellectual pursuits, increasingly scholars[who?] are interested in the areas of critique where the two overlap.[citation needed]
To use an epistemology distinction introduced by Jürgen Habermas in Erkenntnis und Interesse [1968] (Knowledge and Human Interests), critical theory in literary studies is ultimately a form of hermeneutics; i.e., knowledge via interpretation to understand the meaning of human texts and symbolic expressions—including the interpretation of texts which themselves interpret other texts. Critical social theory is, in contrast, a form of self-reflective knowledge involving both understanding and theoretical explanation which aims to reduce entrapment in systems of domination or dependence.
From this perspective, much literary critical theory, since it is focused on interpretation and explanation rather than on social transformation, would be regarded as positivistic or traditional rather than critical theory in the Kantian or Marxian sense. Critical theory in literature and the humanities in general does not necessarily involve a normative dimension, whereas critical social theory does, either through criticizing society from some general theory of values, norms, or "oughts," or through criticizing it in terms of its own espoused values.[citation needed]
In social theory[edit]
Part of a series on the
Frankfurt School
Theorists of the Frankfurt School
Major works
Reason and Revolution
The Work of Art in the
Age of Mechanical Reproduction
Eclipse of Reason
Escape from Freedom
Dialectic of Enlightenment
Minima Moralia
Eros and Civilization
One-Dimensional Man
Negative Dialectics
The Structural Transformation
of the Public Sphere
The Theory of Communicative Action
Notable theorists
Herbert Marcuse • Theodor Adorno
Max Horkheimer • Walter Benjamin
Erich Fromm • Friedrich Pollock
Leo Löwenthal • Jürgen Habermas
Alfred Schmidt • Axel Honneth Siegfried Kracauer
Important concepts
Critical theory • Dialectic • Praxis
Psychoanalysis • Antipositivism
Popular culture • Culture industry
Advanced capitalism
Privatism • Non-identity
Communicative rationality
Legitimation crisis
v t e
Main article: Frankfurt School
Critical theory was first defined by Max Horkheimer of the Frankfurt School of sociology in his 1937 essay Traditional and Critical Theory: Critical theory is a social theory oriented toward critiquing and changing society as a whole, in contrast to traditional theory oriented only to understanding or explaining it. Horkheimer wanted to distinguish critical theory as a radical, emancipatory form of Marxian theory, critiquing both the model of science put forward by logical positivism and what he and his colleagues saw as the covert positivism and authoritarianism of orthodox Marxism and Communism.
Core concepts are: (1) That critical social theory should be directed at the totality of society in its historical specificity (i.e. how it came to be configured at a specific point in time), and (2) That critical theory should improve understanding of society by integrating all the major social sciences, including geography, economics, sociology, history, political science, anthropology, and psychology.
This version of "critical" theory derives from Kant's (18th-century) and Marx's (19th-century) use of the term "critique", as in Kant's Critique of Pure Reason and Marx's concept that his work Das Kapital (Capital) forms a "critique of political economy." For Kant's transcendental idealism, "critique" means examining and establishing the limits of the validity of a faculty, type, or body of knowledge, especially through accounting for the limitations imposed by the fundamental, irreducible concepts in use in that knowledge system.
Kant's notion of critique has been associated with the disestablishment of false, unprovable, or dogmatic philosophical, social, and political beliefs, because Kant's critique of reason involved the critique of dogmatic theological and metaphysical ideas and was intertwined with the enhancement of ethical autonomy and the Enlightenment critique of superstition and irrational authority. Ignored by many in "critical realist" circles, however, is that Kant's immediate impetus for writing his "Critique of Pure Reason" was to address problems raised by David Hume's skeptical empiricism which, in attacking metaphysics, employed reason and logic to argue against the knowability of the world and common notions of causation. Kant, by contrast, pushed the employment of a priori metaphysical claims as requisite, for if anything is to be said to be knowable, it would have to be established upon abstractions distinct from perceivable phenomena.
Marx explicitly developed the notion of critique into the critique of ideology and linked it with the practice of social revolution, as stated in the famous 11th of his Theses on Feuerbach, "The philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point is to change it."[6]
One of the distinguishing characteristics of critical theory, as Adorno and Horkheimer elaborated in their Dialectic of Enlightenment (1947), is a certain ambivalence concerning the ultimate source or foundation of social domination, an ambivalence which gave rise to the “pessimism” of the new critical theory over the possibility of human emancipation and freedom.[7] This ambivalence was rooted, of course, in the historical circumstances in which the work was originally produced, in particular, the rise of National Socialism, state capitalism, and mass culture as entirely new forms of social domination that could not be adequately explained within the terms of traditional Marxist sociology.[8]
For Adorno and Horkheimer, state intervention in economy had effectively abolished the tension between the "relations of production" and "material productive forces of society," a tension which, according to traditional critical theory, constituted the primary contradiction within capitalism. The market (as an "unconscious" mechanism for the distribution of goods) and private property had been replaced by centralized planning and socialized ownership of the means of production.[9]
Yet, contrary to Marx’s famous prediction in the Preface to a Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, this shift did not lead to "an era of social revolution," but rather to fascism and totalitarianism. As such, critical theory was left, in Jürgen Habermas’ words, without "anything in reserve to which it might appeal; and when the forces of production enter into a baneful symbiosis with the relations of production that they were supposed to blow wide open, there is no longer any dynamism upon which critique could base its hope."[10] For Adorno and Horkheimer, this posed the problem of how to account for the apparent persistence of domination in the absence of the very contradiction that, according to traditional critical theory, was the source of domination itself.
In the 1960s, Jürgen Habermas raised the epistemological discussion to a new level in his Knowledge and Human Interests, by identifying critical knowledge as based on principles that differentiated it either from the natural sciences or the humanities, through its orientation to self-reflection and emancipation. Though unsatisfied with Adorno and Horkeimer's thought presented in Dialectic of Enlightenment, Habermas shares the view that, in the form of instrumental rationality, the era of modernity marks a move away from the liberation of enlightenment and toward a new form of enslavement.[11]
His ideas regarding the relationship between modernity and rationalization are in this sense strongly influenced by Max Weber. Habermas dissolved further the elements of critical theory derived from Hegelian German Idealism, though his thought remains broadly Marxist in its epistemological approach. Perhaps his two most influential ideas are the concepts of the public sphere and communicative action; the latter arriving partly as a reaction to new post-structural or so-called "post-modern" challenges to the discourse of modernity. Habermas engaged in regular correspondence with Richard Rorty and a strong sense of philosophical pragmatism may be felt in his theory; thought which frequently traverses the boundaries between sociology and philosophy.
Postmodern critical theory[edit]
While modernist critical theory (as described above) concerns itself with “forms of authority and injustice that accompanied the evolution of industrial and corporate capitalism as a political-economic system,” postmodern critical theory politicizes social problems “by situating them in historical and cultural contexts, to implicate themselves in the process of collecting and analyzing data, and to relativize their findings”.[12] Meaning itself is seen as unstable due to the rapid transformation in social structures. As a result, the focus of research is centered on local manifestations, rather than broad generalizations.
Postmodern critical research is also characterized by the crisis of representation, which rejects the idea that a researcher’s work is an “objective depiction of a stable other.” Instead, many postmodern scholars have adopted “alternatives that encourage reflection about the ‘politics and poetics’ of their work. In these accounts, the embodied, collaborative, dialogic, and improvisational aspects of qualitative research are clarified”.[13]
The term "critical theory" is often appropriated when an author (perhaps most notably Michel Foucault) works within sociological terms, yet attacks the social or human sciences (thus attempting to remain "outside" those frames of inquiry).[14]
Jean Baudrillard has also been described as a critical theorist to the extent that he was an unconventional and critical sociologist; this appropriation is similarly casual, holding little or no relation to the Frankfurt School.
Language and construction[edit]
The two points at which there is the greatest overlap or mutual impingement of the two versions of critical theory are in their interrelated foci on language, symbolism, and communication and in their focus on social construction.
Language and communication[edit]
From the 1960s and 1970s onward, language, symbolism, text, and meaning came to be seen as the theoretical foundation for the humanities, through the influence of Ludwig Wittgenstein, Ferdinand de Saussure, George Herbert Mead, Noam Chomsky, Hans-Georg Gadamer, Roland Barthes, Jacques Derrida and other thinkers in linguistic and analytic philosophy, structural linguistics, symbolic interactionism, hermeneutics, semiology, linguistically oriented psychoanalysis (Jacques Lacan, Alfred Lorenzer), and deconstruction.
When, in the 1970s and 1980s, Jürgen Habermas redefined critical social theory as a theory of communication, i.e. communicative competence and communicative rationality on the one hand, distorted communication on the other, the two versions of critical theory began to overlap to a much greater degree than before.
Construction[edit]
Both versions of critical theory have focused on the processes by which human communication, culture, and political consciousness are created. This includes:
Whether it is through universal pragmatic principles through which mutual understanding is achieved (Habermas).
The semiotic rules by which objects obtain symbolic meanings (Barthes).
The psychological processes by which the phenomena of everyday consciousness are generated (psychoanalytic thinkers).
The episteme that underlies our cognitive formations (Foucault),
There is a common interest in the processes (often of a linguistic or symbolic kind) that give rise to observable phenomena and here there is some mutual influence among the different versions of critical theory. Ultimately, this emphasis on production and construction goes back to the revolution in philosophy wrought by Kant, namely his focus in the Critique of Pure Reason on synthesis according to rules as the fundamental activity of the mind that creates the order of our experience.
21st Century[edit]
Since 2010 the Birkbeck Institute for the Humanities has organized annually the London Critical Theory Summer School; announced participants for the 2015 event include Etienne Balibar, Wendy Brown, David Harvey, Jacqueline Rose and Slavoj Žižek.[15]
See also[edit]
Main article: Outline of critical theory
Book icon
Book: Critical theory
Lists[edit]
Information criticism
List of major critical theorists
List of works in critical theory
Subfields[edit]
American Studies in Britain
Black feminism
Comparative Literature
Continental philosophy Queer theory is a field of post-structuralist critical theory that emerged in the early 1990s out of the fields of queer studies and women's studies. Queer theory includes both queer readings of texts and the theorisation of 'queerness' itself. Heavily influenced by the work of Lauren Berlant, Leo Bersani, Judith Butler, Lee Edelman, Jack Halberstam,[1] David Halperin, José Esteban Muńoz, and Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, queer theory builds both upon feminist challenges to the idea that gender is part of the essential self and upon gay/lesbian studies' close examination of the socially constructed nature of sexual acts and identities. Whereas gay/lesbian studies focused its inquiries into natural and unnatural behaviour with respect to homosexual behaviour, queer theory expands its focus to encompass any kind of sexual activity or identity that falls into normative and deviant categories. Italian feminist and film theorist Teresa de Lauretis coined the term "queer theory" for a conference she organized at the University of California, Santa Cruz in 1990 and a special issue of Differences: A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies she edited based on that conference.
Queer theory focuses on "mismatches" between sex, gender and desire. Queer has been associated most prominently with bisexual, lesbian and gay subjects, but its analytic framework also includes such topics as cross-dressing, intersex, gender ambiguity and gender-corrective surgery. Queer theory's attempted debunking of stable (and correlated) sexes, genders, and sexualities develops out of the specifically lesbian and gay reworking of the post-structuralist figuring of identity as a constellation of multiple and unstable positions. Queer theory examines the constitutive discourses of homosexuality developed in the last century in order to place "queer" in its historical context, and surveys contemporary arguments both for and against this latest terminology.
Contents [hide]
1 Overview
2 History
3 Background concepts
4 Identity politics
5 Intersex and the role of biology
6 HIV/AIDS
7 Role of language
8 Media and other creative works
9 Social media and queer in the digital age
10 Criticism
11 See also
12 References
13 Further reading
14 External links
Overview[edit]
This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (March 2015)
Queer theory is derived largely from post-structuralist theory, and deconstruction in particular. Starting in the 1970s, a range of authors brought deconstructionist critical approaches to bear on issues of sexual identity, and especially on the construction of a normative "straight" ideology. Queer theorists challenged the validity and consistency of heteronormative discourse, and focused to a large degree on non-heteronormative sexualities and sexual practices.
The term queer theory was introduced in 1990, with Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Judith Butler, Adrienne Rich and Diana Fuss (all largely following the work of Michel Foucault) being among its foundational proponents.
Annamarie Jagose wrote Queer Theory: An Introduction in 1997.[2] Queer is slang for homosexual and worse, used for homophobic abuse. Recently, this term has been used as an umbrella term for both cultural-sexual identifications and other times as a model for more traditional lesbian and gay studies. According to Jagose (1996), "Queer focuses on mismatches between sex, gender and desire. For most, queer has prominently been associated with simply those who identify as lesbian and gay. Unknown to many, queer is in association with more than just gay and lesbian, but also cross-dressing, hermaphroditism, gender ambiguity and gender-corrective surgery." In Karl Ulrich's model, homosexuality is understood to be an intermediate condition, a 'third sex' that combines physiological aspects of both masculinity and femininity.
"Queer is a product of specific cultural and theoretical pressures which increasingly structured debates (both within and outside the academy) about questions of lesbian and gay identity"
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Krišjanis Barons – – "the father of Latvian folk songs" who compiled and edited the first publication of Latvian folk song texts "Latvju Dainas" –
Mihails Barišnikovs born – ballet dancer
Karlis Baumanis – – composer author of the national anthem of the Republic of Latvia "Dievs sveti Latviju " God bless Latvia
Vizma Belševica – – author candidate for Nobel Prize in Literature
Eduards Berklavs – – politician leader of Latvian national communists
Krišjanis Berkis – – general
Dairis Bertans born – basketball player
Isaiah Berlin Jesaja Berlins – – philosopher
Eduards Berzinš – – soldier in the Red Army later Head of Dalstroy the Kolyma forced labour camps in North Eastern Siberia
Kaspars Berzinš born – basketball player
Karlis Betinš – – chess player
Andris Biedrinš born – basketball player
Gunars Birkerts born – architect
Miervaldis Birze – – writer
Ernests Blanks – – Latvian publicist writer historian the first to publicly advocate for Latvia s independence
Rudolfs Blaumanis – – writer and playwright
Himans Blums – – painter
Janis Blums born – basketball player
Arons Bogolubovs born – Olympic medalist judoka
Baiba Broka born – actress
Inguna Butane – fashion model
C edit Valters Caps – – designed first Minox x photocameras
Aleksandrs Cauna born – footballer
Gustavs Celminš – – fascist politician leader of Perkonkrusts movement
Vija Celmins born – American painter born in Latvia
C edit Maris Caklais – poet
Aleksandrs Caks – – poet
Janis Cakste – – first Latvian president
Tanhum Cohen Mintz Latvian born Israeli basketball player
D edit Roberts Dambitis – – general and politician
Janis Dalinš – – athlete race walker
Emils Darzinš – – composer
Kaspars Daugavinš born – ice hockey player
Jacob Davis – – inventor of denim
Johans Aleksandrs Heinrihs Klapje de Kolongs – – naval engineer
Eliass Eliezers Desslers – – Orthodox rabbi Talmudic scholar and Jewish philosopher
Leor Dimant born – the DJ for the rap metal group Limp Bizkit
Anatols Dinbergs – – diplomat
Aleksis Dreimanis born – geologist
Inga Drozdova born – model and actress
Olgerts Dunkers – – actor and film director
E edit Mihails Eizenšteins – – architect
Sergejs Eizenšteins – – film director
Modris Eksteins born – Canadian historian and writer
Andrievs Ezergailis born – historian of the Holocaust
F edit Movša Feigins – – chess player
Gregors Fitelbergs – – conductor composer and violinist
Vesels fon Freitags Loringhofens – – colonel and member of the German resistance against German dictator Adolf Hitler
Laila Freivalds born – former Swedish Minister of Foreign Affairs
G edit Inese Galante born – opera singer soprano
Gints Gabrans born – artist
Elina Garanca born – opera singer mezzo soprano
Karlis Goppers – – general founder of Latvian Boy Scouts
Andrejs Grants born – photographer
Ernests Gulbis born – tennis player
Natalija Gulbis born – Latvian descent LPGA golfer
G edit Uldis Germanis – – historian under the alias of Ulafs Jansons a social commentator
Aivars Gipslis – – chess player
H edit Moriss Halle born – linguist
Filips Halsmans – – Latvian American photographer
Juris Hartmanis born – computer scientist Turing Award winner
Uvis Helmanis – basketball player
I edit Arturs Irbe born – ice hockey player goalkeeper
Karlis Irbitis – – aviation inventor engineer designer
J edit Gatis Jahovics – basketball player
Mariss Jansons born – conductor
Inese Jaunzeme born – athlete
Rashida Jones born Latvian American actress
K edit Aivars Kalejs born organist composer
Sandra Kalniete born – politician diplomat former Latvia s EU commissioner
Bruno Kalninš – – Saeima member Red Army General
Imants Kalninš born – composer politician
Oskars Kalpaks – – colonel first Commander of Latvian National Armed Forces
Kaspars Kambala born – basketball player
Martinš Karsums born – ice hockey player
Reinis Kaudzite writer and journalist
Renars Kaupers – musician
Jekabs Ketlers – – Duke of the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia
Gustavs Klucis – – painter and graphic designer
Aleksandrs Koblencs – – chess player
Abrams Izaks Kuks – – chief rabbi Jewish thinker statesman diplomat mediator and a renowned scholar
Aleksandrs Kovalevskis – – zoologist
Gidons Kremers born – violinist and conductor
Mikelis Krogzems – – poet author and translator of German poets
Juris Kronbergs born – poet writer free lance journalist translator
Atis Kronvalds – – teacher and journalist reformed the Latvian language organized the first Latvian Song and Dance Festival
Dainis Kula born – athlete Olympic gold medal in javelin
Alberts Kviesis – – president of Latvia
L edit Aleksandrs Laime – – explorer
Vilis Lacis – – author and politician
Ginta Lapina born – fashion model
Natalija Lašenova – gymnastics Olympic champion team
Ed Leedskalnin Edvards Liedskalninš – – builder of Coral Castle in Florida claimed to have discovered the ancient magnetic levitation secrets used to construct the Egyptian pyramids
Jekabs Mihaels Reinholds Lencs – – author
Marija Leiko – – actress
Aleksandrs Liepa – – inventor artist
Maris Liepa – – ballet dancer
Maksims Lihacovs born – professional football player
Peggy Lipton born Latvian American actress
Nikolajs Loskis – – philosopher
Janis Lusis born – athlete Olympic champion
L edit Jevgenija Lisicina born – organist
M edit Maris Martinsons born film director producer screenwriter and film editor
Hermanis Matisons – – chess player
Zenta Maurina – – writer literary scholar culture philosopher
Juris Maters – – author lawyer and journalist translated laws to Latvian and created the foundation for Latvian law
Janis Medenis poet
Arnis Mednis singer
Zigfrids Anna Meierovics – – first Latvian Minister of Foreign Affairs
Leo Mihelsons – – artist
Arnolds Mikelsons – – artist
Jevgenijs Millers – – czarist Russian general
Karlis Milenbahs – – linguist
N edit Arkadijs Naidics born – chess player now resident in Germany
Andris Nelsons born – conductor of The Boston Symphony Orchestra
Andrievs Niedra – – pastor writer prime minister of German puppet government
Arons Nimcovics – – influential chess player
Reinis Nitišs born World Rallycross driver
Fred Norris born – Radio personality The Howard Stern Show
O edit Stanislavs Olijars born – athlete European champion in m Hurdles
Vilhelms Ostvalds – – received the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in for his work on catalysis chemical equilibria and reaction velocities
Elvira Ozolina born – athlete Olympic gold medal in javelin
Sandis Ozolinš born – ice hockey player defense
Valdemars Ozolinš – – composer conductor
P edit Artis Pabriks born – Minister of Foreign Affairs –
Karlis Padegs – – Graphic artist painter
Marians Pahars born – soccer player
Raimonds Pauls born – popular composer widely known in Russia
Lucija Peka – – Artist of the Latvian Diaspora
Jekabs Peterss – – revolutionary and Soviet Cheka leader
Brita Petersone – American model
Kaspars Petrovs born – serial killer
Vladimirs Petrovs – – chess player
Oskars Perro – Latvian soldier and writer
Andris Piebalgs born – politician diplomat European Commissioner for Energy
Janis Pliekšans – – distinguished Latvian writer author of a number of poetry collections
Juris Podnieks – – film director producer
Nikolajs Polakovs – – Coco the Clown
Janis Poruks writer
Rosa von Praunheim born – film director author painter and gay rights activist
Sandis Prusis born – athlete bobsleigh
Uldis Pucitis actor director
Janis Pujats born – Roman Catholic cardinal
Andrejs Pumpurs – – poet author of Latvian national epic Lacplesis
R edit Rainis pseudonym of Janis Pliekšans poet and playwright
Dans Rapoports American financier and philanthropist
Lauris Reiniks – singer songwriter actor and TV personality
Einars Repše born – politician
Lolita Ritmanis born – orchestrator composer
Ilja Ripss born inventor of the Bible Code
Fricis Rokpelnis – – author
Marks Rotko – – abstract expressionist painter
Elza Rozenberga – – poet playwright married to Janis Pliekšans
Juris Rubenis born – famous Lutheran pastor
Martinš Rubenis born – athlete bronze medalist at the Winter Olympics in Turin
Brunis Rubess born – businessman
Inta Ruka born – photographer
Tana Rusova born – pornographic actress
S edit Rudolfs Saule born ballet master performer with the Latvian National Ballet
Uljana Semjonova born – basketball player
Haralds Silovs – short track and long track speed skater
Karlis Skalbe – – poet
Karlis Skrastinš – – ice hockey player
Baiba Skride born – violinist
Konstantins Sokolskis – – romance and tango singer
Ksenia Solo born Latvian Canadian actress
Serge Sorokko born art dealer and publisher
Raimonds Staprans born – Latvian American painter
Janis Šteinhauers – – Latvian industrialist entrepreneur and civil rights activist
Gotthard Friedrich Stender – the first Latvian grammarian
Lina Šterna – – biologist and social activist
Roze Stiebra born animator
Henrijs Stolovs – – stamp dealer
Janis Streics born – film director screenwriter actor
Janis Strelnieks born – basketball player
Peteris Stucka – – author translator editor jurist and educator
Janis Sudrabkalns poet and journalist
Jevgenijs Svešnikovs born – prominent chess player
Stanislavs Svjanevics – – economist and historian
Š edit Viktors Šcerbatihs born – athlete weightlifter
Pauls Šimanis – – Baltic German journalist politician activist defending and preserving European minority cultures
Vestards Šimkus born – pianist
Aleksejs Širovs born – chess player
Andris Škele born – politician Prime Minister of Latvia
Armands Škele – basketball player
Ksenia Solo born – actress
Ernests Štalbergs – – architect ensemble of the Freedom Monument
Izaks Nahmans Šteinbergs – – politician lawyer and author
Maris Štrombergs – BMX cyclist gold medal winner at and Olympics
T edit Esther Takeuchi born – materials scientist and chemical engineer
Mihails Tals – – the th World Chess Champion
Janis Roberts Tilbergs – – painter sculptor
U edit Guntis Ulmanis born – president of Latvia
Karlis Ulmanis – – prime minister and president of Latvia
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Queer is by definition whatever is at odds with the normal, the legitimate, the dominant. There is nothing in particular to which it necessarily refers. It is an identity without an essence. 'Queer' then, demarcates not a positivity but a positionality vis-ŕ-vis the normative.[3]
Queer theorist Michael Warner attempts to provide a solid definition of a concept that typically circumvents categorical definitions: "Social reflection carried out in such a manner tends to be creative, fragmentary, and defensive, and leaves us perpetually at a disadvantage. And it is easy to be misled by the utopian claims advanced in support of particular tactics. But the range and seriousness of the problems that are continually raised by queer practice indicate how much work remains to be done. Because the logic of the sexual order is so deeply embedded by now in an indescribably wide range of social institutions, and is embedded in the most standard accounts of the world, queer struggles aim not just at toleration or equal status but at challenging those institutions and accounts. The dawning realisation that themes of homophobia and heterosexism may be read in almost any document of our culture means that we are only beginning to have an idea of how widespread those institutions and accounts are".[4]
Queer theory explores and contests the categorisation of gender and sexuality. If identities are not fixed, they cannot be categorised and labeled, because identities consist of many varied components, so categorisation by one characteristic is incomplete, and there is an interval between what a subject "does" (role-taking) and what a subject "is" (the self). This opposition destabilises identity categories, which are designed to identify the "sexed subject" and place individuals within a single restrictive sexual orientation.
History[edit]
The term "gay" normalized homosexuality. "Queer" marks both a continuity and a break with the notion of gayness emerging from gay liberationist and lesbian feminist models, such as Adrienne Rich's Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence. "Gay" vs. "queer" fueled debates (both within and outside of academia) about LGBT identity.[5][6]
There has been a long history of critical and anarchistic thinking about sexual and gender relations across many cultures. Most recently, in the late 1970s and 1980s, social constructionists conceived of the sexual subject as a culturally dependent, historically specific product.[7] Before the phrase "queer theory" was born, the term "Queer Nation" appeared on the cover of the short-lived lesbian/gay quarterly Outlook in the winter 1991 issues. Writers Allan Berube and Jeffrey Escoffier drove home the point that Queer Nation strove to embrace paradoxes in its political activism, and that the activism was taking new form and revolving around the issue of identity.[8] Soon enough Outlook and Queer Nation stopped being published, however, there was a mini-gay renaissance going on during the 1980s and early 1990s. There were a number of significant outbursts of lesbian/gay political/cultural activity. Out of this emerged queer theory. Their work however did not arise out of the blue. Teresa de Lauretis is credited with coining the phrase "queer theory". It was at a working conference on lesbian and gay sexualities that was held at the University of California, Santa Cruz in February 1990 that de Lauretis first made mention of the phrase.[9] She later introduced the phrase in a 1991 special issue of differences: A Journal of Feminist Cultural Studies, entitled "Queer Theory: Lesbian and Gay Sexualities." Similar to the description Berube and Escoffier used for Queer Nation, de Lauretis asserted that, "queer unsettles and questions the genderedness of sexuality."[10] Barely three years later, she abandoned the phrase on the grounds that it had been taken over by mainstream forces and institutions it was originally coined to resist.[11] Judith Butler's Gender Trouble, Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick's Epistemology of the Closet, and David Halperin's One Hundred Years of Homosexuality inspired other works. Teresa de Lauretis, Judith Butler, and Eve Sedgwick arranged much of the conceptual base for the emerging field in the 1990s. Along with other queer theorists, these three outlined a political hermeneutics, which emphasized representation. These scholars questioned whether people of varying sexual orientations had the same political goals, and whether those in the sexual minority felt that they could be represented along with others of different sexualities and orientations. "While some critics insist that queer theory is apolitical word-smithery, de Lauretis, Butler, and Sedgwick take seriously the role that signs and symbols play in shaping the meanings and possibilities of our culture at the most basic level, including politics conventionally defined."[8]
Background concepts[edit]
Queer theory is grounded in gender and sexuality. Due to this association, a debate emerges as to whether sexual orientation is natural or essential to the person, as an essentialist believes, or if sexuality is a social construction and subject to change.[12]
The essentialist feminists believed that genders "have an essential nature (e.g. nurturing and caring versus being aggressive and selfish), as opposed to differing by a variety of accidental or contingent features brought about by social forces".[13] Due to this belief in the essential nature of a person, it is also natural to assume that a person's sexual preference would be natural and essential to a person’s personality.
Identity politics[edit]
Queer theory was originally associated with radical gay politics of ACT UP, OutRage! and other groups which embraced "queer" as an identity label that pointed to a separatist, non-assimilationist politics.[13] Queer theory developed out of an examination of perceived limitations in the traditional identity politics of recognition and self-identity. In particular, queer theorists identified processes of consolidation or stabilization around some other identity labels (e.g. gay and lesbian); and construed queerness so as to resist this. Queer theory attempts to maintain a critique more than define a specific identity.
Acknowledging the inevitable violence of identity politics, and having no stake in its own ideology, queer is less an identity than a critique of identity. However, it is in no position to imagine itself outside the circuit of problems energized by identity politics. Instead of defending itself against those criticisms that its operations attract, queer allows those criticisms to shape its – for now unimaginable – future directions. "The term," writes Butler, "will be revised, dispelled, rendered obsolete to the extent that it yields to the demands which resist the term precisely because of the exclusions by which it is mobilized." The mobilization of queer foregrounds the conditions of political representation, its intentions and effects, its resistance to and recovery by the existing networks of power.[14]
The studies of Fuss anticipate queer theory.[15]
Eng, Halberstam and Esteban Munoz offer one of its latest incarnations in the aptly titled "What is Queer about Queer studies now?".[16] Using Butler's critique of sexual identity categories as a starting point, they work around a "queer epistemology" that explicitly opposes the sexual categories of Lesbian and Gay studies and lesbian and gay identity politics. They insist that the field of normalization is not limited to sexuality; social classifications such as gender, race and nationality constituted by a "governing logic" require an epistemological intervention through queer theory" (Green 2007). "So, the evolution of the queer begins with the problematization of sexual identity categories in Fuss (1996) and extends outward to a more general deconstruction of social ontology in contemporary queer theory" (Green 2007).
"Edelman goes from deconstruction of the subject to a deconstructive psychoanalysis of the entire social order; the modern human fear of mortality produces defensive attempts to "suture over the hole in the Symbolic Order".[17] According to him, constructions of "the homosexual" are pitted against constructions of "The Child" in the modern West, wherein the former symbolizes the inevitability of mortality (do not procreate) and the latter an illusory continuity of the self with the social order (survives mortality through one’s offspring). The constructs are animated by futuristic fantasy designed to evade mortality" (Green 2007).
"Fuss, Eng. et al and Edelman represent distinct moment in the development of queer theory. Whereas Fuss aims to discompose and render inert the reigning classifications of sexual identity, Eng. et al observe the extension of a deconstructive strategy to a wider field of normalization, while Edelman’s work takes not only the specter of "the homosexual", but the very notion of "society" as a manifestation of psychological distress requiring composition" (Green 2007).
Intersex and the role of biology[edit]
Queer theorists focus on problems in classifying individuals as either male or female, even on a strictly biological basis. For example, the sex chromosomes (X and Y) may exist in atypical combinations (as in Klinefelter syndrome [XXY]). This complicates the use of genotype as a means to define exactly two distinct sexes. Intersex individuals may for various biological reasons have sexual characteristics that the dominant medical discourse regards as disordered.
Scientists who have written on the conceptual significance of intersex individuals include Anne Fausto-Sterling, Katrina Karkazis, Ruth Hubbard, Carol Tavris, and Joan Roughgarden. While the medical literature focuses increasingly on genetics of intersex traits, and even their deselection, some key experts in the study of culture, such as Barbara Rogoff, argue that the traditional distinction between biology and culture as independent entities is overly simplistic, pointing to the ways in which biology and culture interact with one another.[18]
Intersex scholars who have written on intersex include Morgan Holmes, Georgiann Davis and Iain Morland, in each case focusing on more particular realities of the intersex experience. In his essay What Can Queer Theory Do for Intersex? Morland contrasts queer "hedonic activism" with an experience of post-surgical insensate intersex bodies to claim that "queerness is characterized by the sensory interrelation of pleasure and shame".[19]
HIV/AIDS[edit]
Much of queer theory developed out of a response to the AIDS crisis, which promoted a renewal of radical activism, and the growing homophobia brought about by public responses to AIDS. Queer theory became occupied in part with what effects – put into circulation around the AIDS epidemic – necessitated and nurtured new forms of political organization, education and theorizing in "queer".
To examine the effects that HIV/AIDS has on queer theory is to look at the ways in which the status of the subject or individual is treated in the biomedical discourses that construct them.[20]
The shift, affected by safer sex education in emphasizing sexual practices over sexual identities[21]
The persistent misrecognition of HIV/AIDS as a gay disease[22]
Homosexuality as a kind of fatality[23]
The coalition politics of much HIV/AIDS activism that rethinks identity in terms of affinity rather than essence[24] and therefore includes not only lesbians and gay men but also bisexuals, transsexuals, sex workers, people with AIDS, health workers, and parents and friends of gays; the pressing recognition that discourse is not a separate or second-order reality[25]
The constant emphasis on contestation in resisting dominant depictions of HIV and AIDS and representing them otherwise.[26] The rethinking of traditional understandings of the workings of power in cross-hatched struggles over epidemiology, scientific research, public health and immigration policy[27]
The material effects of AIDS contested many cultural assumptions about identity, justice, desire and knowledge, which some scholars felt challenged the entire system of Western thought,[28] believing it maintained the health and immunity of epistemology: "the psychic presence of AIDS signifies a collapse of identity and difference that refuses to be abjected from the systems of self-knowledge." (p. 292)[28] Thus queer theory and AIDS become interconnected because each is articulated through a postmodernist understanding of the death of the subject and both understand identity as an ambivalent site.
Role of language[edit]
For language use as associated with sexual identity, see Lavender linguistics.
Queer theory is likened to language because it is never static, but is ever-evolving. Richard Norton suggests that the existence of queer language is believed to have evolved from the imposing of structures and labels from an external mainstream culture.
Early discourse of queer theory involved leading theorists: Michel Foucault, Judith Butler, Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick and others. This discourse centered on the way that knowledge of sexuality was structured through the use of language. Michel Foucault writes in "The History of Sexuality" that from the 17th to the mid-20th century the "'repressive hypothesis"' was an illusion, rather a suppression of western society's sexuality. When in fact discourse about sexuality flourished during this time period. Foucault argues,
"Western man has been drawn for three centuries to the task of telling everything concerning his sex;that since the classical age there has been a constant optimization and increasing valorization of the discourse on sex; and that this carefully analytical discourse was meant to yield multiple effects of displacement,intensification, reorientation and modification of desire itself. Not only were the boundaries of what one could say about sex enlarged, and men compelled to hear it said; but more important, discourse was connected to sex by a complex organization with varying effects, by a deployment that cannot be adequately explained merely by referring it to a law of prohibition.A censorship of sex? There was installed rather an apparatus for producing an ever greater quantity of discourse about sex, capable of functioning and taking effect in its very economy."
Foucault says at this time there was a political,economic and technical excitement to talk about sex. Sex became a call for management procedures. It became a policing matter.
Heteronormativity was the main focus of discourse, where heterosexuality was viewed as normal and any deviations, such as homosexuality, as abnormal or "queer". Even before the founding of "queer theory" the Modern Language Association (MLA) came together for a convention in 1973 for the first formal gay-studies seminar due to the rise of lesbian and gay writers and issues of gay and lesbian textuality. The convention was entitled "Gay Literature: Teaching and Research." In 1981, the MLA established the Division of Gay Studies in Language and Literature.
Media and other creative works[edit]
Many queer theorists have produced creative works that reflect theoretical perspectives in a wide variety of media. For example, science fiction authors such as Samuel R. Delany and Octavia Butler feature many values and themes from queer theory in their work. Patrick Califia's published fiction also draws heavily on concepts and ideas from queer theory. Some lesbian feminist novels written in the years immediately following Stonewall, such as Lover by Bertha Harris or Les Guérillčres by Monique Wittig, can be said to anticipate the terms of later queer theory. Nuria Perpinya, a Catalan literary theorist, wrote A good mistake, a novel about the awkward homosexuality in a London genetic engineering lab, between a young man and a black scientist.[29]
In film, the genre christened by B. Ruby Rich as New Queer Cinema in 1992 continues, as Queer Cinema, to draw heavily on the prevailing critical climate of queer theory; a good early example of this is the Jean Genet-inspired movie Poison by the director Todd Haynes. In fan fiction, the genre known as slash fiction rewrites straight or nonsexual relationships to be gay, bisexual, and queer in a sort of campy cultural appropriation. Ann Herendeen's Pride/Prejudice,[30] for example, narrates a steamy affair between Mr. Darcy and Mr. Bingley, the mutually devoted heroes of Jane Austen's much-adapted novel. And in music, some Queercore groups and zines could be said to reflect the values of queer theory.[31]
Queer theorists analyze texts and challenge the cultural notions of "straight" ideology; that is, does "straight" imply heterosexuality as normal or is everyone potentially gay? As Ryan states: "It is only the laborious imprinting of heterosexual norms that cuts away those potentials and manufactures heterosexuality as the dominant sexual format."[32] For example, Hollywood pursues the "straight" theme as being the dominant theme to outline what masculine is. This is particularly noticeable in gangster films, action films and westerns, which never have "weak" (read: homosexual) men playing the heroes, with the recent exception of the film Brokeback Mountain. Queer theory looks at destabilizing and shifting the boundaries of these cultural constructions.
New Media artists have a long history of queer theory inspired works, including cyberfeminism works, porn films like I.K.U. which feature transgender cyborg hunters and "Sharing is Sexy", an "open source porn laboratory", using social software, creative commons licensing and netporn to explore queer sexualities beyond the male/female binary.[citation needed]
Social media and queer in the digital age[edit]
With the coming of digital age, social media is a new platform for the queer individuals to present and express themselves. The advent of social media is meaningful not only for the whole development of queer theory, but also significant for empowering queer people and helping them become the dominant role from a passive status.
First, social media offers people a platform to tell their own stories. From that perspective, using social media encourages the queer equality, because everyone has the equal right to tell the personal stories sharing it with others if they want to.
Second, social media creates a concept of "queer community"; for example, Facebook literally puts a human face on the LGBT civil rights movement. When another user shares photos of that and their friends "likes" those posts, the sharer’s entire network of friends now knows that someone who is supporting the LGBT and potentially a queer person. This network effect breaks down barriers between queer people and those who might be enlisted as allies, or at the very least, as friends. As the number of queer people who are active online is increasing, they have built the "queer community"[33] on the Internet and keep in touch through social media. In the "queer community", people share information and talk about policies relevant to their lives.
Third, social media enables queer people handle the dominant right of advocating and propaganda. "Social media encourages people to create their own editorial, which then allows others in their network to participate in this dynamic conversation. The more that you talk about an issue like same-sex marriage, the more that it’s in the public domain and discourse, and the more that people outside of your own social circles will be exposed to opinions different from their own."[34]
Fourth, social media is also an important factor to promote the civil rights movement, because it offers a diversity of channels to mobilize the society. "Well-coordinated social media campaigns have been instrumental in mobilizing diverse groups of LGBT supporters. Equality California, for example, uses different social media channels to engage different audiences. The organization uses Twitter for live updates from events such as bill hearings or marches. Facebook acts as more of a community hub where supporters can engage with Equality California directly, and allows the organization to target specific information to specific geographic regions. YouTube is often underutilized by nonprofits and is frequently viewed solely as a repository for videos about the organization. But Equality California has also found that YouTube can be a great way to tell personal stories of people affected by the work the organization does."[34]
Fifth, social media is not only meaningful for the queer development in the moment, but also effecting on generations, in other words, having impacts on the future. Most people arrive at this position from their personal experiences with others around them. Therefore, what the hallmarks of a society could give to children is a determination to what the future’s ideology could be.
Sixth, social media serves as a more accessible platform to people outside of academia. Information is reiterated in simpler language and/or theories are supplemented by real-world applications and personal anecdotes. Essentialism is the view that, for any specific entity (such as an animal, a group of people, a physical object, a concept), there is a set of attributes which are necessary to its identity and function.[1] In Western thought the concept is found in the work of Plato and Aristotle. Platonic idealism is the earliest known theory of how all known things and concepts have an essential reality behind them (an "Idea" or "Form"), an essence that makes those things and concepts what they are. Aristotle's Categories proposes that all objects are the objects they are by virtue of their substance, that the substance makes the object what it is. The essential qualities of an object, so George Lakoff summarizes Aristotle's highly influential view, are "those properties that make the thing what it is, and without which it would be not that kind of thing".[2] This view is contrasted with non-essentialism, which states that, for any given kind of entity, there are no specific traits which entities of that kind must possess.
Essentialism has been controversial from its beginning. Plato's Socrates already problematizes the concept of the Idea by positing in the Parmenides that if we accept Ideas of such things as Beauty and Justice (every beautiful thing or just action would partake of that Idea in some sense in order to be beautiful or just), we must also accept the "existence of separate forms for hair, mud, and dirt".[3] In biology and other natural sciences, essentialism provided the basis for and rationale of taxonomy at least until the time of Charles Darwin;[4] the precise role and importance of essentialism in biology is still a matter of debate.[5] In gender studies, essentialism (summarized as the basic proposition that men and women are essentially different) continues to be a matter of contention. Essentialism was particularly important to the development of the scientific theories that led to racial science and the construction of different categories for different races. It was scientific essentialism that led to the development of modern notions of race due to the persistent desire for a protean theory that could explain all forms of life on earth that would explain the essence of the life force.
French structuralist feminism was often accused of subscribing to an essentialism, which was set in contrast to gender constructionism.[6]
Contents [hide]
1 In philosophy
1.1 Metaphysical essentialism
2 In mathematics
3 In psychology
3.1 In developmental psychology
4 In ethics
5 In biology
6 Essentialism and society and politics
7 In historiography
8 See also
9 References
9.1 Notes
9.2 Bibliography
10 Further reading
11 External links
In philosophy[edit]
An essence characterizes a substance or a form, in the sense of the Forms or Ideas in Platonic idealism. It is permanent, unalterable, and eternal; and present in every possible world. Classical humanism has an essentialist conception of the human being, which means that it believes in an eternal and unchangeable human nature. The idea of an unchangeable human nature has been criticized by Kierkegaard, Marx, Heidegger, Sartre, and many other existential thinkers.
In Plato's philosophy (in particular, the Timaeus and the Philebus), things were said to come into being in this world by the action of a demiurge who works to form chaos into ordered entities. Many definitions of essence hark back to the ancient Greek hylomorphic understanding of the formation of the things of this world. According to that account, the structure and real existence of any thing can be understood by analogy to an artifact produced by a craftsman. The craftsman requires hyle (timber or wood) and a model, plan or idea in his own mind according to which the wood is worked to give it the indicated contour or form (morphe). Aristotle was the first to use the terms hyle and morphe. According to his explanation, all entities have two aspects, "matter" and "form". It is the particular form imposed that gives some matter its identity, its quiddity or "whatness" (i.e., its "what it is").
Plato was one of the first essentialists, believing in the concept of ideal forms, an abstract entity of which individual objects are mere facsimiles. To give an example; the ideal form of a circle is a perfect circle, something that is physically impossible to make manifest, yet the circles that we draw and observe clearly have some idea in common — this idea is the ideal form. Plato believed that these ideas are eternal and vastly superior to their manifestations in the world, and that we understand these manifestations in the material world by comparing and relating them to their respective ideal form. Plato's forms are regarded as patriarchs to essentialist dogma simply because they are a case of what is intrinsic and a-contextual of objects — the abstract properties that makes them what they are. For more on forms, read Plato's parable of the cave.
Karl Popper splits the ambiguous term realism into essentialism and realism. He uses essentialism whenever he means the opposite of nominalism, and realism only as opposed to idealism. Popper himself is a realist as opposed to an idealist, but a methodological nominalist as opposed to an essentialist. For example, statements like "a puppy is a young dog" should be read from right to left, as an answer to "What shall we call a young dog"; never from left to right as an answer to "What is a puppy?"[7]
Metaphysical essentialism[edit]
Essentialism, in its broadest sense, is any philosophy that acknowledges the primacy of Essence. Unlike Existentialism, which posits "being" as the fundamental reality, the essentialist ontology must be approached from a metaphysical perspective. Empirical knowledge is developed from experience of a relational universe whose components and attributes are defined and measured in terms of intellectually constructed laws. Thus, for the scientist, reality is explored as an evolutionary system of diverse entities, the order of which is determined by the principle of causality. Because Essentialism is a conceptual worldview that is not dependent on objective facts and measurements, it is not limited to empirical understanding or the objective way of looking at things.
Plato believed that the universe was perfect and that its observed imperfections came from man's limited perception of it. For Plato, there were two realities: the "essential" or ideal and the "perceived". Aristotle (384-322 B.C.) applied the term "essence" to that which things in a category have in common and without which they cannot be members of that category (for example, rationality is the essence of man; without rationality a creature cannot be a man). In his critique of Aristotle's philosophy, Bertrand Russell said that his concept of essence transferred to metaphysics what was only a verbal convenience and that it confused the properties of language with the properties of the world. In fact, a thing's "essence" consisted in those defining properties without which we could not use the name for it.[8] Although the concept of essence was "hopelessly muddled" it became part of every philosophy until modern times.[8]
The Egyptian-born philosopher Plotinus [204–270 CE] brought Idealism to the Roman Empire as Neo-Platonism, and with it the concept that not only do all existents emanate from a "primary essence" but that the mind plays an active role in shaping or ordering the objects of perception, rather than passively receiving empirical data.
Despite the metaphysical basis for the term, academics in science, aesthetics, heuristics, psychology, and gender-based sociological studies have advanced their causes under the banner of Essentialism. Possibly the clearest definition for this philosophy was offered by gay/lesbian rights advocate Diana Fuss, who wrote: "Essentialism is most commonly understood as a belief in the real, true essence of things, the invariable and fixed properties which define the 'whatness' of a given entity."[9] Metaphysical essentialism stands diametrically opposed to existential realism in that finite existence is only differentiated appearance, whereas "ultimate reality" is held to be absolute essence.
Among contemporary essentialists, what all exisitng things have in common is the power to exist, which defines their "uncreated" Essence.[10]
In mathematics[edit]
In 2010, an article by Gerald B. Folland in the American Mathematical Society magazine stated "It is a truth universally acknowledged that almost all mathematicians are Platonists, at least when they are actually doing mathematics …" This refers to their implicit embrace of essentialism, which he finds revealed in mathematicians peculiar use of language. Whereas physicists define Lie algebra as a rule they can apply to facts, mathematicians define it as an essence of a structure, independent of any circumstance.[11]
In psychology[edit]
Paul Bloom attempts to explain why people will pay more in an auction for the clothing of celebrities if the clothing is unwashed. He believes the answer to this and many other questions is that people cannot help but think of objects as containing a sort of "essence" that can be influenced.[12]
There is a difference between metaphysical essentialism (see above) and psychological essentialism, the latter referring not to an actual claim about the world but a claim about a way of representing entities in cognitions[13] (Medin, 1989). Influential in this area is Susan Gelman, who has outlined many domains in which children and adults construe classes of entities, particularly biological entities, in essentialist terms—i.e., as if they had an immutable underlying essence which can be used to predict unobserved similarities between members of that class.[14][15] (Toosi & Ambady, 2011). This causal relationship is unidirectional; an observable feature of an entity does not define the underlying essence[16] (Dar-Nimrod & Heine, 2011) .
In developmental psychology[edit]
Essentialism has emerged as an important concept in psychology, particularly developmental psychology.[14][17] Gelman and Kremer (1991) studied the extent to which children from 4–7 years old demonstrate essentialism. Children were able to identify the cause of behaviour in living and non-living objects. Children understood that underlying essences predicted observable behaviours. Participants could correctly describe living objects’ behaviour as self-perpetuated and non-living objects as a result of an adult influencing the object’s actions. This is a biological way of representing essential features in cognitions. Understanding the underlying causal mechanism for behaviour suggests essentialist thinking[18] (Rangel and Keller, 2011). Younger children were unable to identify causal mechanisms of behaviour whereas older children were able to. This suggests that essentialism is rooted in cognitive development. It can be argued that there is a shift in the way that children represent entities, from not understanding the causal mechanism of the underlying essence to showing sufficient understanding[19] (Demoulin, Leyens & Yzerbyt, 2006).
There are four key criteria which constitute essentialist thinking. The first facet is the aforementioned individual causal mechanisms (del Rio & Strasser, 2011). The second is innate potential: the assumption that an object will fulfill its predetermined course of development[20] (Kanovsky, 2007). According to this criterion, essences predict developments in entities that will occur throughout its lifespan. The third is immutability[21] (Holtz & Wagner, 2009). Despite altering the superficial appearance of an object it does not remove its essence. Observable changes in features of an entity are not salient enough to alter its essential characteristics. The fourth is inductive potential[22] (Birnbaum, Deeb, Segall, Ben-Aliyahu & Diesendruck, 2010). This suggests that entities may share common features but are essentially different. However similar two beings may be, their characteristics will be at most analogous, differing most importantly in essences.
The implications of psychological essentialism are numerous. Prejudiced individuals have been found to endorse exceptionally essential ways of thinking, suggesting that essentialism may perpetuate exclusion among social groups[23] (Morton, Hornsey & Postmes, 2009). This may be due to an over-extension of an essential-biological mode of thinking stemming from cognitive development.[24] Paul Bloom of Yale University has stated that "one of the most exciting ideas in cognitive science is the theory that people have a default assumption that things, people and events have invisible essences that make them what they are. Experimental psychologists have argued that essentialism underlies our understanding of the physical and social worlds, and developmental and cross-cultural psychologists have proposed that it is instinctive and universal. We are natural-born essentialists."[25] Scholars suggest that the categorical nature of essentialist thinking predicts the use of stereotypes and can be targeted in the application of stereotype prevention[26] (Bastian & Haslam, 2006).
In ethics[edit]
Classical essentialists claims that some things are wrong in an absolute sense, for example murder breaks a universal, objective and natural moral law and not merely an advantageous, socially or ethically constructed one.
Many modern essentialists claim that right and wrong are moral boundaries which are individually constructed. In other words, things that are ethically right or wrong are actions that the individual deems to be beneficial or harmful, respectively.
In biology[edit]
It is often held that before evolution was developed as a scientific theory, there existed an essentialist view of biology that posited all species to be unchanging throughout time. Some religious opponents of evolution continue to maintain this view of biology (see creation-evolution controversy).
Recent work by historians of systematics has, however, cast doubt upon this view. Mary P. Winsor, Ron Amundson and Staffan Müller-Wille have each argued that in fact the usual suspects (such as Linnaeus and the Ideal Morphologists) were very far from being essentialists, and it appears that the so-called "essentialism story" (or "myth") in biology is a result of conflating the views expressed by philosophers from Aristotle onwards through to John Stuart Mill and William Whewell in the immediately pre-Darwinian period, using biological examples, with the use of terms in biology like species.[27][28][29]
Essentialism and society and politics[edit]
Unbalanced scales.svg moral panic is a feeling of fear spread among a large number of people that some evil threatens the well-being of society.[1][2] A Dictionary of Sociology defines a moral panic as "the process of arousing social concern over an issue - usually the work of moral entrepreneurs and the mass media."[3] The media are key players in the dissemination of moral indignation, even when they do not appear to be consciously engaged in crusading or muckraking. Simply reporting the facts can be enough to generate concern, anxiety or panic.[4]:16
Examples include the belief in widespread abduction of children by predatory pedophiles,[5] belief in ritual abuse by satanic cults of women and children,[6] scaremongering of the spread of AIDS,[7] the War on Drugs.[8] The term first appeared in the English language in 1830 in a number of Christian journals.
Contents [hide]
1 Historic use of the term
2 Use as a social science term
2.1 British vs American
3 Characteristics
4 Examples
4.1 2000s: Human trafficking
4.2 1990s–present: Sex offenders
4.3 1980s–1990s: Satanic ritual abuse
4.4 1980s–1990s: Dungeons and Dragons
4.5 1980s–present: AIDS
4.6 1970s–present: Video games and violence
4.7 1970s–present: Crime increase
4.8 1970s–present: War on drugs
5 Criticism
6 See also
7 References
8 Further reading
9 External links
Historic use of the term[edit]
In 1830 in the religious magazine, The Millennial Harbinger, an article was published[9] regarding a sermon entitled Regeneration, and the Manner of its Occurence given at the Synod of New York, by the Presbyterian minister Samuel H. Cox.[10]:250 The Harbinger's article remarked on the how differently the sermon was received by contrasting two reviews, one in The New Princeton Review,[10] and the other in the New Haven Christian Spectator.[11] "[F]or", stated the Harbinger "there always has, and must continue to be, a variety of sentiments on religious subjects in the same body."[9]:549–550
First, the Harbinger printed a transcript of Dr. Cox's speech, in which he states that regeneration of the soul should be an active process:
"...if it be a fact that the soul is just as active in regeneration as in any other thing ... then, what shall we call that kind of orthodoxy that proposes to make men better by teaching them the reverse? To paralyze the soul, or to strike it through with a moral panic is not regeneration.",[9]:546 and,
"After quoting such scriptures as these, "Seek and you shall find," "Come unto me, and I will give you rest," they ask, ...is it not the natural language of these expressions that the mind is as far as possible from stagnation, or torpor, or "moral panic?""[9]:548
Next, the Harbinger reproduced an abridged version of the review by The New Princeton Review.[9]:546–547[10] In opposition to Dr. Cox's sermon, they quoted the Presbyterian clergyman Stephen Charnock:
"He [Charnock]... states... first, that there is "an immediate and supernatural work on the will:""[10]:263
"His second proposition is, that "this work, though immediate, is not compulsive and by force""[10]:263
"His third position is, that this immediate work, "is free and gentle." "A constraint not by force, but love.""[10]:263
Criticising Dr. Cox, The New Princeton Review asks, "Is this [Charnock's views] "to paralize the soul, or to strike it though with a moral panic?""[10]:263 They go on to say, "... there are some metaphysical opinions utterly inconsistent with it [Dr. Cox's sermon]; that indifference is necessary to the freedom of the will, is one, and that morality consists in acts only we fear, is another."[10]:266
The Harbinger then contrasted the Princeton Review with a review of the same sermon published in The Quarterly Christian Spectator,[9]:547–549[11] which, according to the Harbinger, "speak of Dr. Cox's sermon in very different terms."[9]:547 They supported Dr. Cox saying:
"Perhaps the solution of this single question, whether the souls is active or passive, may be the pivot on which shall turn whole systems of divinity..."[11]:348
"When saints of old speak of the actual process of regeneration, they speak as all other moral agents speak, when they are active."[11]:348
"There is not a single point relating to the application of christianity to the soul; not a single statement recognizing the actual contact of any part of that system with the heart and producing effect, in which they do not employ language denoting activity. ...no department of the moral man in which christianity obtains a lodgment, that is not expressed by language describing man's own agency."[11]:350
Use as a social science term[edit]
The phrase was used again in 1831, in the same way it is used today:
Magendie a French physician of note on his visit to Sunderland where the Cholera was by the last accounts still raging praises the English government for not surrounding the town with a cordon of troops which as "a physical preventive would have been ineffectual and would have produced a moral panic far more fatal than the disease now
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Antanas Vienuolis real name Žukauskas – writer a major figure in Lithuanian prose
Vydunas real name Vilius Storostas – Lithuanian writer and philosopher leader of Lithuanian cultural movement in the Lithuania Minor at the beginning of the th century
Žemaite real name Julija Beniuševiciute Žymantiene – one of the best known female writers
Theater and cinema edit See also List of Lithuanian actors
Regimantas Adomaitis – theatre and film actor successful both in Lithuania and Russia
Donatas Banionis – actor and star of Tarkovsky s Solaris
Arturas Barysas – "counter culture" actor singer photographer and filmmaker known as the father of modern Lithuanian avant garde
Šarunas Bartas – modern film director
Ingeborga Dapkunaite – internationally successful actress
Gediminas Girdvainis – lt Gediminas Girdvainis prolific theatre and movie actor
Rolandas Kazlas – well known comedy actor
Oskaras Koršunovas – best known modern theater director
Jurgis Maciunas – initiator of Fluxus movement
Vaiva Mainelyte – lt Vaiva Mainelyte popular actress remembered for the leading role in Bride of the Devil Lithuanian Velnio nuotaka
Arunas Matelis – acclaimed documentary director
Adolfas Mekas film director writer editor actor educator
Jonas Mekas – filmmaker the godfather of American avant garde cinema
Aurelija Mikušauskaite – television and theatre actress
Juozas Miltinis – theater director from Panevežys
Nijole Narmontaite – lt Nijole Narmontaite actress
Eimuntas Nekrošius – theater director
Algimantas Puipa – lt Algimantas Puipa film director
Kostas Smoriginas – lt Kostas Smoriginas popular actor and singer
Jonas Vaitkus – theater director director of Utterly Alone
Adolfas Vecerskis – theatre and film actor director of theatre
Arunas Žebriunas – lt Arunas Žebriunas one of the most prominent film directors during the Soviet rule
Vytautas Šapranauskas – lt Vytautas Šapranauskas theater and film actor television presenter humorist
Žilvinas Tratas actor and model
Džiugas Siaurusaitis lt Džiugas Siaurusaitis actor television presenter humorist
Sakalas Uždavinys lt Sakalas Uždavinys theater and film actor director
Marius Jampolskis actor and TV host
Ballet and Dance edit Egle Špokaite soloist of Lithuanian National Opera and Ballet Theatre – Actress art director
Edita Daniute Professional Ballroom Dancer and World DanceSport Champion
Iveta Lukosiute Professional Ballroom Dancer and World Dance Champion
Music edit
Soprano vocalist Violeta Urmanaviciute Urmana
Pop singer Violeta RiaubiškyteSee also List of Lithuanian singers
Linas Adomaitis – pop singer participant in the Eurovision Song Contest
Ilja Aksionovas lt Ilja Aksionovas pop and opera singer boy soprano
Osvaldas Balakauskas – ambassador and classical composer
Alanas Chošnau – singer member of former music group Naktines Personos
Egidijus Dragunas – lt Egidijus Dragunas leader of Sel one of the first hip hop bands in Lithuania
Justas Dvarionas – lt Justas Dvarionas pianist educator
Mikalojus Konstantinas Ciurlionis – painter and composer
Balys Dvarionas – composer conductor pianist professor
Gintare Jautakaite pop artist signed with EMI and Sony Music Entertainment in
Gintaras Januševicius internationally acclaimed pianist
Algirdas Kaušpedas architect and lead singer of Antis
Nomeda Kazlauskaite Kazlaus opera singer dramatic soprano appearing internationally
Vytautas Kernagis – one of the most popular bards
Algis Kizys – long time bass player of post punk no wave band Swans
Andrius Mamontovas – rock singer co founder of Foje and LT United
Marijonas Mikutavicius – singer author of Trys Milijonai the unofficial sports anthem in Lithuania
Vincas Niekus – lt Vincas Niekus composer
Virgilijus Noreika – one of the most successful opera singers tenor
Mykolas Kleopas Oginskis – one of the best composer of the late th century
Kipras Petrauskas – lt Kipras Petrauskas popular early opera singer tenor
Stasys Povilaitis – one of the popular singers during the Soviet period
Violeta Riaubiškyte – pop singer TV show host
Mindaugas Rojus opera singer tenor baritone
Ceslovas Sasnauskas – composer
Rasa Serra – lt Rasa Serra real name Rasa Veretenceviene singer Traditional folk A cappella jazz POP
Audrone Simonaityte Gaižiuniene – lt Audrone Gaižiuniene Simonaityte one of the more popular female opera singers soprano
Virgis Stakenas – lt Virgis Stakenas singer of country folk music
Antanas Šabaniauskas – lt Antanas Šabaniauskas singer tenor
Jurga Šeduikyte – art rock musician won the Best Female Act and the Best Album of in the Lithuanian Bravo Awards and the Best Baltic Act at the MTV Europe Music Awards
Jonas Švedas – composer
Michael Tchaban composer singer and songwriter
Violeta Urmanaviciute Urmana opera singer soprano mezzosoprano appearing internationally
Painters and graphic artists edit See also List of Lithuanian artists
Robertas Antinis – sculptor
Vytautas Ciplijauskas lt Vytautas Ciplijauskas painter
Jonas Ceponis – lt Jonas Ceponis painter
Mikalojus Konstantinas Ciurlionis – painter and composer Asteroid Ciurlionis is named for him
Kostas Dereškevicius lt Kostas Dereškevicius painter
Vladimiras Dubeneckis painter architect
Stasys Eidrigevicius graphic artist
Pranas Gailius lt Pranas Gailius painter
Paulius Galaune
Petronele Gerlikiene – self taught Lithuanian American artist
Algirdas Griškevicius lt Algirdas Griškevicius
Vincas Grybas – sculptor
Leonardas Gutauskas lt Leonardas Gutauskas painter writer
Vytautas Kairiukštis – lt Vytautas Kairiukštis painter art critic
Vytautas Kasiulis – lt Vytautas Kasiulis painter graphic artist stage designer
Petras Kalpokas painter
Rimtas Kalpokas – lt Rimtas Kalpokas painter graphic artist
Leonas Katinas – lt Leonas Katinas painter
Povilas Kaupas – lt Povilas Kaupas
Algimantas Kezys Lithuanian American photographer
Vincas Kisarauskas – lt Vincas Kisarauskas painter graphic artist stage designer
Saulute Stanislava Kisarauskiene – lt Saulute Stanislava Kisarauskiene graphic artist painter
Stasys Krasauskas – lt Stasys Krasauskas graphic artist
Stanislovas Kuzma – lt Stanislovas Kuzma sculptor
Antanas Martinaitis – lt Antanas Martinaitis painter
Jonas Rimša – lt Jonas Rimša painter
Jan Rustem painter
Antanas Samuolis – lt Antanas Samuolis painter
Šarunas Sauka painter
Boris Schatz – sculptor and founder of the Bezalel Academy
Irena Sibley née Pauliukonis – Children s book author and illustrator
Algis Skackauskas – painter
Antanas Žmuidzinavicius – painter
Franciszek Smuglewicz – painter
Yehezkel Streichman Israeli painter
Kazys Šimonis – painter
Algimantas Švegžda – lt Algimantas Švegžda painter
Otis Tamašauskas Lithographer Print Maker Graphic Artist
Adolfas Valeška – painter and graphic artist
Adomas Varnas – painter
Kazys Varnelis – artist
Vladas Vildžiunas lt Vladas Vildžiunas sculptor
Mikalojus Povilas Vilutis lt Mikalojus Povilas Vilutis graphic artist
Viktoras Vizgirda – painter
William Zorach – Modern artist who died in Bath Maine
Antanas Žmuidzinavicius – painter
Kazimieras Leonardas Žoromskis – painter
Politics edit
President Valdas Adamkus right chatting with Vice President Dick Cheney left See also List of Lithuanian rulers
Mindaugas – the first and only King of Lithuania –
Gediminas – the ruler of Lithuania –
Algirdas – the ruler together with Kestutis of Lithuania –
Kestutis – the ruler together with Algirdas of Lithuania –
Vytautas – the ruler of Lithuania – together with Jogaila
Jogaila – the ruler of Lithuania – from to together with Vytautas the king of Poland –
Jonušas Radvila – the field hetman of Grand Duchy of Lithuania –
Dalia Grybauskaite – current President of Lithuania since
Valdas Adamkus – President of Lithuania till
Jonas Basanavicius – "father" of the Act of Independence of
Algirdas Brazauskas – the former First secretary of Central Committee of Communist Party of Lithuanian SSR the former president of Lithuania after and former Prime Minister of Lithuania
Joe Fine – mayor of Marquette Michigan –
Kazys Grinius – politician third President of Lithuania
Mykolas Krupavicius – priest behind the land reform in interwar Lithuania
Vytautas Landsbergis – politician professor leader of Sajudis the independence movement former speaker of Seimas member of European Parliament
Stasys Lozoraitis – diplomat and leader of Lithuanian government in exile –
Stasys Lozoraitis junior – politician diplomat succeeded his father as leader of Lithuanian government in exile –
Antanas Merkys – the last Prime Minister of interwar Lithuania
Rolandas Paksas – former President removed from the office after impeachment
Justas Paleckis – journalist and politician puppet Prime Minister after Soviet occupation
Kazimiera Prunskiene – the first female Prime Minister
Mykolas Sleževicius – three times Prime Minister organized
is".[12]
Marshall McLuhan gave the term academic treatment in his book Understanding Media, written in 1964.[13] According to Stanley Cohen, author of a sociological study about youth culture and media called Folk Devils and Moral Panics (1972),[14] a moral panic occurs when "...[a] condition, episode, person or group of persons emerges to become defined as a threat to societal values and interests".[4] Those who start the panic when they fear a threat to prevailing social or cultural values are known by researchers as moral entrepreneurs, while people who supposedly threaten the social order have been described as 'folk devils'.
British vs American[edit]
Many sociologists have pointed out the differences between definitions of a moral panic for American and British sociologists. In addition to pointing out other sociologists who note the distinction, Kenneth Thompson has characterized the difference as American sociologists tending to emphasize psychological factors while the British portray moral panics as crises of capitalism.[15][16]
British criminologist Jock Young used the term in his participant observation study of drug taking in Porthmadog between 1967 and 1969.[17] In Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State and Law and Order (1978), Stuart Hall and his colleagues studied the public reaction to the phenomenon of mugging and the perception that it had recently been imported from American culture into the UK. Employing Cohen's definition of moral panic, Hall et al. theorized that the "...rising crime rate equation..." performs an ideological function relating to social control. Crime statistics, in Hall's view, are often manipulated for political and economic purposes; moral panics could thereby be ignited to create public support for the need to "...police the crisis." [18]
Characteristics[edit]
Moral panics have several distinct features (many of which are discredited in the sociological literature). According to Goode and Ben-Yehuda, moral panic consists of the following characteristics:
Concern – There must be belief that the behaviour of the group or category in question is likely to have a negative effect on society;
Hostility – Hostility towards the group in question increases, and they become 'folk devils'. A clear division forms between 'them' and 'us';
Consensus – Though concern does not have to be nationwide, there must be widespread acceptance that the group in question poses a very real threat to society. It is important at this stage that the 'moral entrepreneurs' are vocal and the 'folk devils' appear weak and disorganized;
Disproportionality – The action taken is disproportionate to the actual threat posed by the accused group;
Volatility – Moral panics are highly volatile and tend to disappear as quickly as they appeared due to a wane in public interest or news reports changing to another narrative.[2]
Examples[edit]
2000s: Human trafficking[edit]
Many critics of contemporary anti-prostitution activism argue that much of the current concern about human trafficking and its more general conflation with prostitution and other forms of sex work have all the hallmarks of a moral panic. They further argue that this moral panic shares much in common with the 'white slavery' panic of a century earlier as prompted passage of the Mann Act.[19][20][21][22]
1990s–present: Sex offenders[edit]
Some argue that sex offenders have been selected as the new realization of moral panics concentrating on sex, stranger danger, and national paranoia. People convicted of any sex crime are "...transformed into a concept of evil, which is then personified as a group of faceless, terrifying, and predatory devils...", who, despite scientific evidence to the contrary, are perceived as constant threats in our neighborhoods, habitually waiting for an opportunity to strike.[5] Consequently, sex offenders are often brought up by media on Halloween, despite the fact that there has never been any recorded case of abduction or abuse by a registered sex offender on Halloween.[5] Academics, treatment professionals[23][24] and law reformist groups such as RSOL[25] and WAR[26] have been vocal in their criticism that current sex offender laws are more based on moral panic and "public emotion than good science",[27] and have expanded over time to cover non-violent and low-level offenders, and treating them essentially the same as predatory offenders, often leading to disproportional punishment of being added on public sex offender registry, sometimes for life; and being subject to strict ordinances restricting their movement and places of living.[26][28] Critics often point out that, contrary to popular media depictions, abductions by predatory offenders are very rare[28] and 95% of child abuse offenses are committed by a someone known to the child; studies by the U.S Department of Justice found sex offender recidivism to be 5.3%[29] which compares as second lowest of all offender groups, only those convicted of homicide having lower rate of recidivism.[30] Critics claim that, while originally aimed towards the worst of the worst, the laws have gone through series of amendments, often named after the child victim of a highly publicized predatory sex offense, expanding the scopes of the laws to low level offenses.[28] The media narrative of a sex offender highlighting egregious offenses as typical behavior of any sex offender; and media distorting the facts of some cases,[31] has increased the panic leading legislators to attack judicial discretion,[31] making sex offender registration mandatory based on certain listed offenses rather than individual risk or the actual severity of the crime, thus practically catching less serious offenders under the domain of harsh sex offender laws.
1980s–1990s: Satanic ritual abuse[edit]
Main article: Satanic ritual abuse
A series of moral panics regarding Satanic ritual abuse originated in the US and spread to other English-speaking countries in the 1980s and 1990s.[6][32][33][34] In the 1990s and 2000s, there have been instances of moral panics in the UK and the US related to colloquial uses of the term pedophilia to refer to such unusual crimes as high-profile cases of child abduction.[32]
1980s–1990s: Dungeons and Dragons[edit]
Main article: Dungeons & Dragons controversies
At various times Dungeons & Dragons and other fantasy role-playing games have been accused of promoting such practices as Satanism, witchcraft, suicide, pornography and murder. In the 1980s and later, some groups, especially fundamentalist Christian ones, accused the games of encouraging interest in sorcery and the veneration of demons.[35] Throughout the history of roleplaying games, many of these criticisms have been aimed specifically at Dungeons & Dragons, but touch on the genre of fantasy roleplaying games as a whole.[citation needed]
1980s–present: AIDS[edit]
The theme of a meeting of the British Sociological Association's South West and Wales Study Group on 21 September 1985 was 'AIDS: The Latest Moral Panic'. This was prompted by the growing interest of medical sociologists in AIDS, as well as that of UK health care professionals working in the field of health education, at a time when both groups were also beginning to voice an equally increasing concern with the growing media attention and attendant scare-mongering that AIDS was attracting.[7]
1970s–present: Video games and violence[edit] Paranoia is a thought process believed to be heavily influenced by anxiety or fear, often to the point of irrationality and delusion.[1] Paranoid thinking typically includes persecutory, or beliefs of conspiracy concerning a perceived threat towards oneself (e.g. "Everyone is out to get me"). Paranoia is distinct from phobias, which also involve irrational fear, but usually no blame. Making false accusations and the general distrust of others also frequently accompany paranoia. For example, an incident most people would view as an accident or coincidence, a paranoid person might believe was intentional.
Contents [hide]
1 History
2 Use in modern psychiatry
3 Symptoms
4 Causes
4.1 Social and environmental
4.2 Physical
5 Theories and mechanisms
5.1 Abnormal reasoning
5.2 Anomalous perceptual experiences
5.3 Motivational factors
6 Violence and paranoia
7 See also
8 Notes
9 References
10 Further reading
History[edit]
The word paranoia comes from the Greek pa?????a (paranoia), "madness",[2] and that from pa?? (para), "beside, by"[3] and ???? (noos), "mind".[4] The term was used to describe a mental illness in which a delusional belief is the sole or most prominent feature. In this definition, the belief does not have to be persecutory to be classified as paranoid, so any number of delusional beliefs can be classified as paranoia.[citation needed] For example, a person who has the sole delusional belief that he is an important religious figure would be classified by Kraepelin as having 'pure paranoia'.
According to Michael Phelan, Padraig Wright, and Julian Stern (2000),[5] paranoia and paraphrenia are debated entities that were detached from dementia praecox by Kraepelin, who explained paranoia as a continuous systematized delusion arising much later in life with no presence of either hallucinations or a deteriorating course, paraphrenia as an identical syndrome to paranoia but with hallucinations. Even at the present time, a delusion need not be suspicious or fearful to be classified as paranoid. A person might be diagnosed as a paranoid schizophrenic without delusions of persecution, simply because their delusions refer mainly to themselves.
Use in modern psychiatry[edit]
In the DSM-IV-TR, paranoia is diagnosed in the form of:[6]
paranoid personality disorder[7] (F60.0)
paranoid schizophrenia (a subtype of schizophrenia) (F20.0)
the persecutory type of delusional disorder, which is also called "querulous paranoia" when the focus is to remedy some injustice by legal action.[8] (F22.0)
According to clinical psychologist P. J. McKenna, "As a noun, paranoia denotes a disorder which has been argued in and out of existence, and whose clinical features, course, boundaries, and virtually every other aspect of which is controversial. Employed as an adjective, paranoid has become attached to a diverse set of presentations, from paranoid schizophrenia, through paranoid depression, to paranoid personality—not to mention a motley collection of paranoid 'psychoses', 'reactions', and 'states'—and this is to restrict discussion to functional disorders. Even when abbreviated down to the prefix para-, the term crops up causing trouble as the contentious but stubbornly persistent concept of paraphrenia."[9]
Symptoms[edit]
A popular symptom of paranoia is the attribution bias. These individuals typically have a biased perception of the world often exhibiting more hostile beliefs.[10] A paranoid person may view someone else's accidental behavior as though it is with intent or threatening.
An investigation of a non-clinical paranoid population found that feeling powerless and depressed, isolating oneself, and relinquishing activities are characteristics that could be associated with those exhibiting more frequent paranoia.[11] Some scientists have created different subtypes for the various symptoms of paranoia including erotic, persecutory, litigious, and exalted.[12]
Schizophrenia is a mental disorder often characterized by abnormal social behavior and failure to recognize what is real. Common symptoms include false beliefs, unclear or confused thinking, auditory hallucinations, reduced social engagement and emotional expression, and lack of motivation. Diagnosis is based on observed behavior and the person's reported experiences.
Genetics and early environment, as well as psychological and social processes, appear to be important contributory factors. Some recreational and prescription drugs appear to cause or worsen symptoms. The many possible combinations of symptoms have triggered debate about whether the diagnosis represents a single disorder or a number of separate syndromes. Despite the origin of the term, from Greek skhizein, meaning "to split", and phren, meaning "mind", schizophrenia does not imply a "split personality" or "multiple personality disorder" — a condition with which it is often confused in public perception.[1] Rather, the term means a "splitting of mental functions", reflecting the presentation of the illness.[2]
The mainstay of treatment is antipsychotic medication, which primarily suppresses dopamine receptor activity. Counseling, job training and social rehabilitation are also important in treatment. In more serious cases—where there is risk to self or others—involuntary hospitalization may be necessary, although hospital stays are now shorter and less frequent than they once were.[3]
Symptoms begin typically in young adulthood, and about 0.3–0.7% of people are affected during their lifetime.[4] In 2013 there was estimated to be 23.6 million cases globally.[5] The disorder is thought to mainly affect the ability to think, but it also usually contributes to chronic problems with behavior and emotion. People with schizophrenia are likely to have additional conditions, including major depression and anxiety disorders; the lifetime occurrence of substance use disorder is almost 50%.[6] Social problems, such as long-term unemployment, poverty, and homelessness are common. The average life expectancy of people with the disorder is ten to twenty five years less than the average life expectancy.[7] This is the result of increased physical health problems and a higher suicide rate (about 5%).[4][8] In 2013 an estimated 16,000 people died from behavior related-to or caused by schizophrenia.[9]
Contents
1 Symptoms
1.1 Positive and negative
1.2 Onset
2 Causes
2.1 Genetic
2.2 Environment
3 Mechanisms
3.1 Psychological
3.2 Neurological
4 Diagnosis
4.1 Criteria
4.2 Subtypes
4.3 Differential diagnosis
5 Prevention
6 Management
6.1 Medication
6.2 Psychosocial
7 Prognosis
8 Epidemiology
9 History
10 Society and culture
10.1 Violence
11 Research directions
12 References
13 External links
Symptoms
My eyes at the moment of the apparitions by schizophrenic German artist August Natterer
Individuals with schizophrenia may experience hallucinations (most reported are hearing voices), delusions (often bizarre or persecutory in nature), and disorganized thinking and speech. The last may range from loss of train of thought, to sentences only loosely connected in meaning, to speech that is not understandable known as word salad. Social withdrawal, sloppiness of dress and hygiene, and loss of motivation and judgment are all common in schizophrenia.[10] There is often an observable pattern of emotional difficulty, for example lack of responsiveness.[11] Impairment in social cognition is associated with schizophrenia,[12] as are symptoms of paranoia. Social isolation commonly occurs.[13] Difficulties in working and long-term memory, attention, executive functioning, and speed of processing also commonly occur.[4] In one uncommon subtype, the person may be largely mute, remain motionless in bizarre postures, or exhibit purposeless agitation, all signs of catatonia.[14] About 30 to 50% of people with schizophrenia fail to accept that they have an illness or their recommended treatment.[15] Treatment may have some effect on insight.[16] People with schizophrenia often find facial emotion perception to be difficult.[17]
People with schizophrenia may have a high rate of irritable bowel syndrome but they often do not mention it unless specifically asked.[18]
Positive and negative
Schizophrenia is often described in terms of positive and negative (or deficit) symptoms.[19] Positive symptoms are those that most individuals do not normally experience but are present in people with schizophrenia. They can include delusions, disordered thoughts and speech, and tactile, auditory, visual, olfactory and gustatory hallucinations, typically regarded as manifestations of psychosis.[20] Hallucinations are also typically related to the content of the delusional theme.[21] Positive symptoms generally respond well to medication.[21]
Negative symptoms are deficits of normal emotional responses or of other thought processes, and are less responsive to medication.[10] They commonly include flat expressions or little emotion, poverty of speech, inability to experience pleasure, lack of desire to form relationships, and lack of motivation. Negative symptoms appear to contribute more to poor quality of life, functional ability, and the burden on others than do positive symptoms.[22] People with greater negative symptoms often have a history of poor adjustment before the onset of illness, and response to medication is often limited.[10][23]
Onset
See also: Pediatric schizophrenia
Late adolescence and early adulthood are peak periods for the onset of schizophrenia,[4] critical years in a young adult's social and vocational development.[24] In 40% of men and 23% of women diagnosed with schizophrenia, the condition manifested itself before the age of 19.[25] To minimize the developmental disruption associated with schizophrenia, much work has recently been done to identify and treat the prodromal (pre-onset) phase of the illness, which has been detected up to 30 months before the onset of symptoms.[24] Those who go on to develop schizophrenia may experience transient or self-limiting psychotic symptoms[26] and the non-specific symptoms of social withdrawal, irritability, dysphoria,[27] and clumsiness[28] during the prodromal phase.
Causes
Main article: Causes of schizophrenia
A combination of genetic and environmental factors play a role in the development of schizophrenia.[1][4] People with a family history of schizophrenia who have a transient psychosis have a 20–40% chance of being diagnosed one year later.[29]
Genetic
Estimates of heritability vary because of the difficulty in separating the effects of genetics and the environment;[30] averages of 0.80 have been given.[31] The greatest risk for developing schizophrenia is having a first-degree relative with the disease (risk is 6.5%); more than 40% of monozygotic twins of those with schizophrenia are also affected.[1] If one parent is affected the risk is about 13% and if both are affected the risk is nearly 50%.[31]
It is likely that many genes are involved, each of small effect and unknown transmission and expression.[1] Many possible candidates have been proposed, including specific copy number variations, NOTCH4, and histone protein loci.[32] A number of genome-wide associations such as zinc finger protein 804A have also been linked.[33] There appears to be overlap in the genetics of schizophrenia and bipolar disorder.[34] Evidence is emerging that the genetic architecture of schizophrenia involved both common and rare risk variation.[35]
Assuming a hereditary basis, one question from evolutionary psychology is why genes that increase the likelihood of psychosis evolved, assuming the condition would have been maladaptive from an evolutionary point of view. One idea is that genes are involved in the evolution of language and human nature, but to date such ideas remain little more than hypothetical in nature.[36][37]
Environment
Environmental factors associated with the development of schizophrenia include the living environment, drug use and prenatal stressors.[4] It has been hypothesised that in some people, development of schizophrenia is related to intestinal tract dysfunction such as seen with non-celiac gluten sensitivity or abnormalities in the intestinal flora.[38]
Parenting style seems to have no major effect, although people with supportive parents do better than those with critical or hostile parents.[1] Childhood trauma, death of a parent, and being bullied or abused increase the risk of psychosis.[39] Living in an urban environment during childhood or as an adult has consistently been found to increase the risk of schizophrenia by a factor of two,[1][4] even after taking into account drug use, ethnic group, and size of social group.[40] Other factors that play an important role include social isolation and immigration related to social adversity, racial discrimination, family dysfunction, unemployment, and poor housing conditions.[1][41]
Substance use
About half of those with schizophrenia use drugs or alcohol excessively.[42] Amphetamine, cocaine, and to a lesser extent alcohol, can result in psychosis that presents very similarly to schizophrenia.[1][43] Although it is not generally believed to be a cause of the illness, people with schizophrenia use nicotine at much greater rates than the general population.[44]
Alcohol abuse can occasionally cause the development of a chronic substance-induced psychotic disorder via a kindling mechanism.[45] Alcohol use is not associated with an earlier onset of psychosis.[46]
Cannabis can be a contributory factor in schizophrenia,[47][48][49] potentially causing the disease in those who are already at risk.[49] The increased risk may require the presence of certain genes within an individual[49] or may be related to preexisting psychopathology.[47] Early exposure is strongly associated with an increased risk.[47] The size of the increased risk is not clear;[50] but appears to be in the range of two to three times greater for psychosis.[48] Higher dosage and greater frequency of use are indicators of increased risk of chronic psychoses.[48]
Other drugs may be used only as coping mechanisms by individuals who have schizophrenia to deal with depression, anxiety, boredom, and loneliness.[42][51]
Developmental factors
Factors such as hypoxia and infection, or stress and malnutrition in the mother during fetal development, may result in a slight increase in the risk of schizophrenia later in life.[4] People diagnosed with schizophrenia are more likely to have been born in winter or spring (at least in the northern hemisphere), which may be a result of increased rates of viral exposures in utero.[1] The increased risk is about 5 to 8%.[52] Other infections during pregnancy or around the time of birth that may increase the risk include Toxoplasma gondi and Chlamydia.[53]
Mechanisms
Cloth embroidered by a person diagnosed with schizophrenia
Main article: Mechanisms of schizophrenia
A number of attempts have been made to explain the link between altered brain function and schizophrenia.[4] One of the most common is the dopamine hypothesis, which attributes psychosis to the mind's faulty interpretation of the misfiring of dopaminergic neurons.[4]
Psychological
Many psychological mechanisms have been implicated in the development and maintenance of schizophrenia. Cognitive biases have been identified in those with the diagnosis or those at risk, especially when under stress or in confusing situations.[54] Some cognitive features may reflect global neurocognitive deficits such as memory loss, while others may be related to particular issues and experiences.[55][56]
Despite a demonstrated appearance of blunted affect, recent findings indicate that many individuals diagnosed with schizophrenia are emotionally responsive, particularly to stressful or negative stimuli, and that such sensitivity may cause vulnerability to symptoms or to the disorder.[57][58] Some evidence suggests that the content of delusional beliefs and psychotic experiences can reflect emotional causes of the disorder, and that how a person interprets such experiences can influence symptomatology.[59][60][61] The use of "safety behaviors" (acts such as gestures or the use of words in specific contexts) to avoid or neutralize imagined threats may actually contribute to the chronicity of delusions.[62] Further evidence for the role of psychological mechanisms comes from the effects of psychotherapies on symptoms of schizophrenia.[63]
Neurological
Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) showing two levels of the brain; areas in orange were more active in healthy controls than in medicated people with schizophrenia.
Schizophrenia is associated with subtle differences in brain structures, found in 40 to 50% of cases, and in brain chemistry during acute psychotic states.[4] Studies using neuropsychological tests and brain imaging technologies such as fMRI and PET to examine functional differences in brain activity have shown that differences seem to most commonly occur in the frontal lobes, hippocampus and temporal lobes.[64] Reductions in brain volume, smaller than those found in Alzheimer's disease, have been reported in areas of the frontal cortex and temporal lobes. It is uncertain whether these volumetric changes are progressive or preexist prior to the onset of the disease.[28] These differences have been linked to the neurocognitive deficits often associated with schizophrenia.[65] Because neural circuits are altered, it has alternatively been suggested that schizophrenia should be thought of as a collection of neurodevelopmental disorders.[66] There has been debate on whether treatment with antipsychotics can itself cause reduction of brain volume.[67]
Particular attention has been paid to the function of dopamine in the mesolimbic pathway of the brain. This focus largely resulted from the accidental finding that phenothiazine drugs, which block dopamine function, could reduce psychotic symptoms. It is also supported by the fact that amphetamines, which trigger the release of dopamine, may exacerbate the psychotic symptoms in schizophrenia.[68] The influential dopamine hypothesis of schizophrenia proposed that excessive activation of D2 receptors was the cause of (the positive symptoms of) schizophrenia. Although postulated for about 20 years based on the D2 blockade effect common to all antipsychotics, it was not until the mid-1990s that PET and SPET imaging studies provided supporting evidence. The dopamine hypothesis is now thought to be simplistic, partly because newer antipsychotic medication (atypical antipsychotic medication) can be just as effective as older medication (typical antipsychotic medication), but also affects serotonin function and may have slightly less of a dopamine blocking effect.[69]
Interest has also focused on the neurotransmitter glutamate and the reduced function of the NMDA glutamate receptor in schizophrenia, largely because of the abnormally low levels of glutamate receptors found in the postmortem brains of those diagnosed with schizophrenia,[70] and the discovery that glutamate-blocking drugs such as phencyclidine and ketamine can mimic the symptoms and cognitive problems associated with the condition.[71] Reduced glutamate function is linked to poor performance on tests requiring frontal lobe and hippocampal function, and glutamate can affect dopamine function, both of which have been implicated in schizophrenia, have suggested an important mediating (and possibly causal) role of glutamate pathways in the condition.[72] But positive symptoms fail to respond to glutamatergic medication.[73]
Diagnosis
Main article: Diagnosis of schizophrenia
John Nash, an American mathematician and joint winner of the 1994 Nobel Prize for Economics, who had schizophrenia. His life was the subject of the 2001 Academy Award-winning film A Beautiful Mind.
Schizophrenia is diagnosed based on criteria in either the American Psychiatric Association's fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM 5), or the World Health Organization's International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems (ICD-10). These criteria use the self-reported experiences of the person and reported abnormalities in behavior, followed by a clinical assessment by a mental health professional. Symptoms associated with schizophrenia occur along a continuum in the population and must reach a certain severity before a diagnosis is made.[1] As of 2013 there is no objective test.[74]
Criteria
In 2013, the American Psychiatric Association released the fifth edition of the DSM (DSM-5). To be diagnosed with schizophrenia, two diagnostic criteria have to be met over much of the time of a period of at least one month, with a significant impact on social or occupational functioning for at least six months. The person had to be suffering from delusions, hallucinations or disorganized speech. A second symptom could be negative symptoms or severely disorganized or catatonic behaviour.[75] The definition of schizophrenia remained essentially the same as that specified by the 2000 version of DSM (DSM-IV-TR), but DSM-5 makes a number of changes.
Subtype classifications – such as catatonic and paranoid schizophrenia – are removed. These were retained in previous revisions largely for reasons of tradition, but had subsequently proved to be of little worth.[76]
Catatonia is no longer so strongly associated with schizophrenia.[77]
In describing a person's schizophrenia, it is recommended that a better distinction be made between the current state of the condition and its historical progress, to achieve a clearer overall characterization.[76]
Special treatment of Schneider's first-rank symptoms is no longer recommended.[76]
Schizoaffective disorder is better defined to demarcate it more cleanly from schizophrenia.[76]
An assessment covering eight domains of psychopathology – such as whether hallucination or mania is experienced – is recommended to help clinical decision-making.[78]
The ICD-10 criteria are typically used in European countries, while the DSM criteria are used in the United States and to varying degrees around the world, and are prevailing in research studies. The ICD-10 criteria put more emphasis on Schneiderian first-rank symptoms. In practice, agreement between the two systems is high.[79]
If signs of disturbance are present for more than a month but less than six months, the diagnosis of schizophreniform disorder is applied. Psychotic symptoms lasting less than a month may be diagnosed as brief psychotic disorder, and various conditions may be classed as psychotic disorder not otherwise specified, while schizoaffective disorder is diagnosed if symptoms of mood disorder are substantially present alongside psychotic symptoms. If the psychotic symptoms are the direct physiological result of a general medical condition or a substance, then the diagnosis is one of a psychosis secondary to that condition.[75] Schizophrenia is not diagnosed if symptoms of pervasive developmental disorder are present unless prominent delusions or hallucinations are also present.[75]
Subtypes
The DSM-5 work group proposed dropping the five sub-classifications of schizophrenia included in DSM-IV-TR:[80][81]
Paranoid type: Delusions or auditory hallucinations are present, but thought disorder, disorganized behavior, or affective flattening are not. Delusions are persecutory and/or grandiose, but in addition to these, other themes such as jealousy, religiosity, or somatization may also be present. (DSM code 295.3/ICD code F20.0)
Disorganized type: Named hebephrenic schizophrenia in the ICD. Where thought disorder and flat affect are present together. (DSM code 295.1/ICD code F20.1)
Catatonic type: The subject may be almost immobile or exhibit agitated, purposeless movement. Symptoms can include catatonic stupor and waxy flexibility. (DSM code 295.2/ICD code F20.2)
Undifferentiated type: Psychotic symptoms are present but the criteria for paranoid, disorganized, or catatonic types have not been met. (DSM code 295.9/ICD code F20.3)
Residual type: Where positive symptoms are present at a low intensity only. (DSM code 295.6/ICD code F20.5)
The ICD-10 defines two additional subtypes:[81]
Post-schizophrenic depression: A depressive episode arising in the aftermath of a schizophrenic illness where some low-level schizophrenic symptoms may still be present. (ICD code F20.4)
Simple schizophrenia: Insidious and progressive development of prominent negative symptoms with no history of psychotic episodes. (ICD code F20.6)
Sluggish schizophrenia is in the Russian version of the ICD-10. "Sluggish schizophrenia" is in the category of "schizotypal" disorder in section F21 of chapter V.[82]
Differential diagnosis
See also: Dual diagnosis and Comparison of bipolar disorder and schizophrenia
Psychotic symptoms may be present in several other mental disorders, including bipolar disorder,[83] borderline personality disorder,[84] drug intoxication and drug-induced psychosis. Delusions ("non-bizarre") are also present in delusional disorder, and social withdrawal in social anxiety disorder, avoidant personality disorder and schizotypal personality disorder. Schizotypal personality disorder has symptoms that are similar but less severe than those of schizophrenia.[74] Schizophrenia occurs along with obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) considerably more often than could be explained by chance, although it can be difficult to distinguish obsessions that occur in OCD from the delusions of schizophrenia.[85] A few people withdrawing from benzodiazepines experience a severe withdrawal syndrome which may last a long time. It can resemble schizophrenia and be misdiagnosed as such.[86]
A more general medical and neurological examination may be needed to rule out medical illnesses which may rarely produce psychotic schizophrenia-like symptoms, such as metabolic disturbance, systemic infection, syphilis, HIV infection, epilepsy, limbic encephalitis, and brain lesions. Stroke, multiple sclerosis, hyperthyroidism, hypothyroidism and dementias such as Alzheimer's disease, Huntington's disease, frontotemporal dementia and Lewy Body dementia may also be associated with schizophrenia-like psychotic symptoms.[87] It may be necessary to rule out a delirium, which can be distinguished by visual hallucinations, acute onset and fluctuating level of consciousness, and indicates an underlying medical illness. Investigations are not generally repeated for relapse unless there is a specific medical indication or possible adverse effects from antipsychotic medication. In children hallucinations must be separated from normal childhood fantasies.[74]
Prevention
Prevention of schizophrenia is difficult as there are no reliable markers for the later development of the disease.[88] There is tentative evidence for the effectiveness of early interventions to prevent schizophrenia.[89] While there is some evidence that early intervention in those with a psychotic episode may improve short-term outcomes, there is little benefit from these measures after five years.[4] Attempting to prevent schizophrenia in the prodrome phase is of uncertain benefit and therefore as of 2009 is not recommended.[90] Cognitive behavioral therapy may reduce the risk of psychosis in those at high risk after a year[91] and is recommended by the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) in this group.[92] Another preventative measure is to avoid drugs that have been associated with development of the disorder, including cannabis, cocaine, and amphetamines.[1]
Management
Main article: Management of schizophrenia
The primary treatment of schizophrenia is antipsychotic medications, often in combination with psychological and social supports.[4] Hospitalization may occur for severe episodes either voluntarily or (if mental health legislation allows it) involuntarily. Long-term hospitalization is uncommon since deinstitutionalization beginning in the 1950s, although it still occurs.[3] Community support services including drop-in centers, visits by members of a community mental health team, supported employment[93] and support groups are common. Some evidence indicates that regular exercise has a positive effect on the physical and mental health of those with schizophrenia.[94]
Medication
Risperidone (trade name Risperdal) is a common atypical antipsychotic medication.
The first-line psychiatric treatment for schizophrenia is antipsychotic medication,[95] which can reduce the positive symptoms of psychosis in about 7 to 14 days. Antipsychotics, however, fail to significantly improve the negative symptoms and cognitive dysfunction.[23][96] In those on antipsychotics, continued use decreases the risk of relapse.[97][98] There is little evidence regarding effects from their use beyond two or three years.[98]
The choice of which antipsychotic to use is based on benefits, risks, and costs.[4] It is debatable whether, as a class, typical or atypical antipsychotics are better.[99][100] Amisulpride, olanzapine, risperidone and clozapine may be more effective but are associated with greater side effects.[101] Typical antipsychotics have equal drop-out and symptom relapse rates to atypicals when used at low to moderate dosages.[102] There is a good response in 40–50%, a partial response in 30–40%, and treatment resistance (failure of symptoms to respond satisfactorily after six weeks to two or three different antipsychotics) in 20% of people.[23] Clozapine is an effective treatment for those who respond poorly to other drugs ("treatment-resistant" or "refractory" schizophrenia),[103] but it has the potentially serious side effect of agranulocytosis (lowered white blood cell count) in less than 4% of people.[1][4][104]
Most people on antipsychotics have side effects. People on typical antipsychotics tend to have a higher rate of extrapyramidal side effects while some atypicals are associated with considerable weight gain, diabetes and risk of metabolic syndrome; this is most pronounced with olanzapine, while risperidone and quetiapine are also associated with weight gain.[101] Risperidone has a similar rate of extrapyramidal symptoms to haloperidol.[101] It remains unclear whether the newer antipsychotics reduce the chances of developing neuroleptic malignant syndrome or tardive dyskinesia, a rare but serious neurological disorder.[105]
For people who are unwilling or unable to take medication regularly, long-acting depot preparations of antipsychotics may be used to achieve control.[106] They reduce the risk of relapse to a greater degree than oral medications.[97] When used in combination with psychosocial interventions they may improve long-term adherence to treatment.[106] The American Psychiatric Association suggests considering stopping antipsychotics in some people if there are no symptoms for more than a year.[98]
Psychosocial
A number of psychosocial interventions may be useful in the treatment of schizophrenia including: family therapy,[107] assertive community treatment, supported employment, cognitive remediation,[108] skills training, token economic interventions, and psychosocial interventions for substance use and weight management.[109] Family therapy or education, which addresses the whole family system of an individual, may reduce relapses and hospitalizations.[107] Evidence for the effectiveness of cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) in either reducing symptoms or preventing relapse is minimal.[110][111] Art or drama therapy have not been well-researched.[112][113]
Prognosis
Main article: Prognosis of schizophrenia
Schizophrenia has great human and economic costs.[4] It results in a decreased life expectancy by 10–25 years.[7] This is primarily because of its association with obesity, poor diet, sedentary lifestyles, and smoking, with an increased rate of suicide playing a lesser role.[4][7][114] Antipsychotic medications may also increase the risk.[7] These differences in life expectancy increased between the 1970s and 1990s.[115]
Schizophrenia is a major cause of disability, with active psychosis ranked as the third-most-disabling condition after quadriplegia and dementia and ahead of paraplegia and blindness.[116] Approximately three-fourths of people with schizophrenia have ongoing disability with relapses[23] and 16.7 million people globally are deemed to have moderate or severe disability from the condition.[117] Some people do recover completely and others function well in society.[118] Most people with schizophrenia live independently with community support.[4] In people with a first episode of psychosis a good long-term outcome occurs in 42%, an intermediate outcome in 35% and a poor outcome in 27%.[119] Outcomes for schizophrenia appear better in the developing than the developed world.[120] These conclusions, however, have been questioned.[121][122]
There is a higher than average suicide rate associated with schizophrenia. This has been cited at 10%, but a more recent analysis revises the estimate to 4.9%, most often occurring in the period following onset or first hospital admission.[8][123] Several times more (20 to 40%) attempt suicide at least once.[74][124] There are a variety of risk factors, including male gender, depression, and a high intelligence quotient.[124]
Schizophrenia and smoking have shown a strong association in studies world-wide.[125][126] Use of cigarettes is especially high in individuals diagnosed with schizophrenia, with estimates ranging from 80 to 90% being regular smokers, as compared to 20% of the general population.[126] Those who smoke tend to smoke heavily, and additionally smoke cigarettes with high nicotine content.[127] Some evidence suggests that paranoid schizophrenia may have a better prospect than other types of schizophrenia for independent living and occupational functioning.[128] Among people with schizophrenia use cannabis is also common.[42]
Epidemiology
Disability-adjusted life years lost due to schizophrenia per 100,000 inhabitants in 2004.
no data
= 185
185–197
197–207
207–218
218–229
229–240
240–251
251–262
262–273
273–284
284–295
= 295
Main article: Epidemiology of schizophrenia
Schizophrenia affects around 0.3–0.7% of people at some point in their life,[4] or 24 million people worldwide as of 2011.[129] It occurs 1.4 times more frequently in males than females and typically appears earlier in men[1]—the peak ages of onset are 25 years for males and 27 years for females.[130] Onset in childhood is much rarer,[131] as is onset in middle- or old age.[132] Despite the received wisdom that schizophrenia occurs at similar rates worldwide, its frequency varies across the world,[74][133] within countries,[134] and at the local and neighborhood level.[135] It causes approximately 1% of worldwide disability adjusted life years[1] and resulted in 20,000 deaths in 2010.[136] The rate of schizophrenia varies up to threefold depending on how it is defined.[4]
In 2000, the World Health Organization found the prevalence and incidence of schizophrenia to be roughly similar around the world, with age-standardized prevalence per 100,000 ranging from 343 in Africa to 544 in Japan and Oceania for men and from 378 in Africa to 527 in Southeastern Europe for women.[137]
Research into the psychotic disorder of schizophrenia, involves multiple animal models as a tool, including in the pre-clinical development of drugs.
Several models simulate schizophrenia defects. These fit into four basic categories: pharmacological models, developmental models, lesion models, and genetic models. Historically, pharmacological, or drug-induced models were the most widely used. These involve the manipulation of various neurotransmitter systems, including dopamine, glutamate, serotonin, and GABA. Lesion models, in which an area of an animal's brain is damaged, arose from theories that schizophrenia involves neurodegeneration, and that problems during neurodevelopment cause the disease. Rodent models of schizophrenia mostly display symptoms analogous to the positive symptoms of schizophrenia, with some models also having symptoms similar to the negative symptoms. Animals used as models for schizophrenia include rats, mice, and primates.
Contents [hide]
1 Uses and limitations
2 Phenotype
2.1 Behavioural traits
2.2 Other traits
3 Pharmacological models
3.1 Dopamine
3.2 Glutamate
3.3 Serotonin
3.4 GABA
4 Lesions
4.1 Neonatal ventral hippocampal lesion
5 Developmental models
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Mizar ?????
Jasmina Mukaetova ??????? ????e???? The Malagasy French Malgache are the ethnic group that forms nearly the entire population of Madagascar They are divided into two subgroups the "Highlander" Merina Sihanaka and Betsileo of the central plateau around Antananarivo Alaotra Ambatondrazaka and Fianarantsoa and the "coastal dwellers" elsewhere in the country This division has its roots in historical patterns of settlement The original Austronesian settlers from Borneo arrived between the third and tenth centuries and established a network of principalities in the Central Highlands region conducive to growing the rice they had carried with them on their outrigger canoes Sometime later a large number of settlers arrived from East Africa and established kingdoms along the relatively unpopulated coastlines
The difference in ethnic origins remains somewhat evident between the highland and coastal regions In addition to the ethnic distinction between highland and coastal Malagasy one may speak of a political distinction as well Merina monarchs in the late th and early th century united the Merina principalities and brought the neighboring Betsileo people under their administration first They later extended Merina control over the majority of the coastal areas as well The military resistance and eventual defeat of most of the coastal communities assured their subordinate position vis ŕ vis the Merina Betsileo alliance During the th and th centuries the French colonial administration capitalized on and further exacerbated these political inequities by appropriating existing Merina governmental infrastructure to run their colony This legacy of political inequity dogged the people of Madagascar after gaining independence in candidates ethnic and regional identities have often served to help or hinder their success in democratic elections
Within these two broad ethnic and political groupings the Malagasy were historically subdivided into specifically named ethnic groups who were primarily distinguished from one another on the basis of cultural practices These were namely agricultural hunting or fishing practices construction style of dwellings music hair and clothing styles and local customs or taboos the latter known in the Malagasy language as fady citation needed The number of such ethnic groups in Madagascar has been debated The practices that distinguished many of these groups are less prevalent in the st century than they were in the past But many Malagasy are proud to proclaim their association with one or several of these groups as part of their own cultural identity
"Highlander" ethnic groups
Merina
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Zafimaniry
Coastal ethnic groups
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