1913 Hackney, London 2007 PAS-867115 33 Llanbedrgoch Viking weights.jpg Llanbedrgoch Viking Finds 600–1000 Llanbedrgoch, Anglesey 2007 NMGW-C5EE45 34 Billingford Amulet.jpg Billingford Amulet 43–200 Billingford, Breckland, Norfolk 2003 NMS-7BEED8 35 Durham assemblage E.jpg Durham Assemblage 90–400 Piercebridge, County Durham 1986–2002 NCL-2C40A4 FAPJW-AB59E5 36 Langstone bronze bowls and wine strainer.jpg Langstone Hoard 25–75 Ringland, Newport 2007 NMGW-9C0216 37 Anarevitos gold stater.jpg Anarevito Gold Stater 10 BC – AD 20 Dover, Kent 2010 FASAM-FCD3A2 38 Hoard of Spanish-American Doubloons.jpg Hoard of Spanish-American Doubloons 1790–1801 North Kesteven, Lincolnshire 2010–2011 LIN-55BFE7 39 Beddingham Nose.jpg Beddingham Nose 1500–1700 Beddingham, East Sussex 2009 SUSS-05BC17 40 Putney spintria.jpg Putney Brothel Token 27 BC – 37 AD Putney, London 2011 LON-E98F21 41 Durham cloth seals.jpg Cloth Seals from Durham 1550–1650 Elvet, Durham, County Durham 2008 PUBLIC-9B0430 42 Figure of Cautopates.jpg Cautopates Figurine 43–307 Newton Kyme, North Yorkshire 2007 SWYOR-9FCBB3 43 Tanworth comb.jpg Tanworth Comb 25–70 Tanworth-in-Arden, Warwickshire 2006 WAW-250340 44 Rochester cufflink.jpg Rochester Cuff-link 1660–1700 Rochester, Kent 2001 BM-CAA2C7 45 George Humber's Distinguished Conduct Medal.jpg First World War Medal 1919 Limpsfield, Surrey 2009 SUR-5ADA50 46 Sedgeford gold torc and terminal.JPG Sedgeford Torc c.200 BC Sedgeford, Norfolk 2004 PAS-F070D5 47 Pitminster toy cannon.jpg Pitminster Toy Cannon 1700–1750 Pitminster, Somerset 2003 SOM-D20D91 48 Epsom Horse Harness.jpg Epsom Harness Boss 1603–1664 Epsom, Surrey 2009 SUR-23EF78 49 Hockley pendant.jpg Hockley Pendant 1500–1550 Hockley, Essex 2009 ESS-2C4836 50 Roman slave shackles.jpg Roman Slave Shackle 200–400 Headbourne Worthy, Hampshire 1992 HAMP-C45106 Objects submitted by viewers[edit] Sculpture of a winged lion with an open book showing the words Pax tibi, Marce, Evangelista meus on a Venetian building At the beginning of the series viewers were invited to submit photographs of objects that they had found in England or Wales, so that experts from the British Museum could select the most interesting object, to be announced during the final episode.[2][15] The viewer-submitted object chosen as the most interesting by the panel was a small medieval bronze ornament in the form of an open book that was found in a field by the Pilgrims' Way at Bentley, Hampshire in 1997 (PAS record: HAMP527). The open pages of the book are engraved with the Latin inscription Pax tibi, Marce, Evangelista meus meaning "Peace to you, Mark, my evangelist". The traditional symbol of the Republic of Venice and the city of Venice is a winged lion (symbol of

Mark the Evangelist), which is often depicted with one of its paws on an open book showing this same inscription, which suggests that the bronze book may have been a pilgrim's souvenir from Venice Exploration, exploitation and enlightenment (AD 1680–1820)[edit] "Neil MacGregor on the misunderstandings that can happen when different worlds collide."[12] First broadcast 4 October 2010. Image Number Object Origin Date BBC website BM website Additional contributors Brit Mus 13sept10 brooches etc 062.jpg 86 Akan Drum from Africa, found in the USA 18th century BBC BM Bonnie Greer, Anthony Appiah Hawaiian feather helmet british museum.JPG 87 Hawaiian feathered helmet Hawaii 18th century BBC BM Nicholas Thomas, Kyle Nakanelua North American buckskin map, British Museum 2.jpg 88 North American buckskin map USA 1774-5 BBC BM Malcolm Lewis, David Edmunds AHOTWbark shield.JPG 89 Australian bark shield Australia 1770 BBC BM Phil Gordon, Maria Nugent Jade Bi, British Museum.jpg 90 Jade bi with poem China 1790 BBC BM Jonathan Spence, Yang Lian Mass production, mass persuasion (AD 1780–1914)[edit] "How industrialisation, mass politics and imperial ambitions changed the world."[12] First broadcast week beginning 11 October 2010. Image Number Object Origin Date BBC website BM website Additional contributors British Museum Marine Chronometer.jpg 91 Ship's chronometer from HMS Beagle England 1795–1805 BBC BM Nigel Thrift, Steve Jones Early victorian tea set.jpg 92 Early Victorian tea set England 1840–1845 BBC BM Celina Fox, Monique Simmonds Great Wave off Kanagawa2.jpg 93 Hokusai's 'The Great Wave' Japan c. 1829–32 BBC BM Christine Guth, Donald Keene British Museum Sudanese slit drum.jpg 94 Sudanese slit drum Sudan 19th century BBC BM Dominic Green, Zeinab Badawi Suffragette-defaced penny.jpg 95 Suffragette defaced penny England 1903 BBC BM Felicity Powell, Helena Kennedy The world of our making (AD 1914–2010)[edit] "Neil MacGregor explores aspects of sexual, political and economic history of recent times."[12] First broadcast week beginning 18 October 2010. Image Number Object Origin Date BBC website BM website Additional contributors Russian revolutionary plate designed by Mikhail Adamovich.jpg 96 Russian Revolutionary Plate designed by Mikhail Adamovich Russia 1921 BBC BM Eric Hobsbawm, Mikhail Piotrovsky See In the dull village 97 Hockney's In the dull village England 1966 BBC BM Shami Chakrabarti, David Hockney Throne of Weapons, British Museum.jpg 98 Throne of Weapons Mozambique 2001 BBC BM Kofi Annan, Bishop Dinis Sengulane 99 Sharia compliant Visa Credit card United Arab Emirates 2009 BBC BM Mervyn King, Razi Fakih AhotwSolar-powered lamp and charger.JPG 100 Solar-powered lamp and charger China 2010 BBC Nick Stern, Aloka Sarder, Boniface Nyamu Special edition[edit] A special radio programme on Radio 4, first broadcast on 18 May 2011, featured one of the many thousands of items nominated on the BBC website by members of the public as an object of special significance.[14] The object chosen to be featured on the programme was an oil painting depicting a young woman that was nominated by Peter Lewis. The painting, which belonged to Lewis' uncle, Bryn Roberts, was painted from a postcard photograph of Roberts' girlfriend (and later wife), Peggy Gullup, by an anonymous Jewish artist for Roberts whilst he was a prisoner of war at Auschwitz in Poland.[15][16] Art Fund Prize[edit] The British Museum won the 2011 Art Fund Prize for museums and galleries for its part in the A History of the World in 100 Objects series. The prize, worth £100,000, was presented to the museum by Jeremy Hunt, Secretary of State for Culture, Olympics, Media and Sport, in a ceremony at London on 15 June 2011.[17] The chairman of the panel of judges, Michael Portillo, noted that the judges were "particularly impressed by the truly global scope of the British Museum’s project, which combined intellectual rigour and open heartedness, and went far beyond the boundaries of the museum’s walls".[18] The judges were also very impressed by the way that the project used digital media in ground-breaking and novel ways to interact with audiences Room 10 – Nineveh, The Royal Lion Hunt Department of Greece and Rome Room 18 – Ancient Greece Room 20a – Tomb of Merehi & Greek Vases, Lycia, 360 BC Room 85 – Portrait Sculpture, Roman Room 83 – Roman Sculpture Room 84 – Towneley Roman Sculptures Main Staircase – Discobolus, Roman Main Staircase – Townley Caryatid, Roman, 140–160 AD Exhibitions Forgotten Empire Exhibition Legacy Historiography The texts written by Caesar, an autobiography of the most important events of his public life, are the most complete primary source for the reconstruction of his biography. However, Caesar wrote those texts with his political career in mind, so historians must struggle to filter the exaggerations and bias contained in it.[144] The Roman emperor Augustus began a cult of personality of Caesar, which described Augustus as Caesar's political heir. The modern historiography is influenced by the Octavian traditions, such as when Caesar's epoch is considered a turning point in the history of the Roman Empire. Still, historians try to filter the Octavian bias.[145] Many rulers in history became interested in the historiography of Caesar. Napoleon III wrote the scholary work Histoire de Jules César, which was not finished. The second volume listed previous rulers interested in the topic. Charles VIII ordered a monk to prepare a translation of the Gallic Wars in 1480. Charles V ordered a topographic study in France, to place in Gallic Wars in context; which created forty high-quality maps of the conflict. The contemporary Ottoman sultan Suleiman the Magnificent catalogued the surviving editions of the Commentaries, and translated them to Turkish language. Henry IV and Louis XIII of France translated the first two commentaries and the last two respectively; Louis XIV retranslated the first one afterwards.[146] Politics Main article: Caesarism Julius Caesar is seen as the main example of Caesarism, a form of political rule led by a charismatic strongman whose rule is based upon a cult of personality, whose rationale is the need to rule by force, establishing a violent social order, and being a regime involving prominence of the military in the government.[147] Other people in history, such as the French Napoleon Bonaparte and the Italian Benito Mussolini, have defined themselves as Caesarists. Bonaparte did not focus only in Caesar's military careers but also in his relation with the masses, a predecessor to populism.[148] The word is also used in a pejorative manner by critics of this type of political rule. Depictions Main article: Cultural depictions of Julius Caesar The Tusculum portrait The Arles bust Bust in Naples National Archaeological Museum, photograph published in 1902 Bust in the National Archaeological Museum of Naples Bust of Julius Caesar from the British Museum Modern bronze statue of Julius Caesar, Rimini, Italy ámo te / te ámo - I love you Numbers In ancient times, numbers in Latin were only written with letters. Today, the numbers can be written with the Arabic numbers as well as with Roman numerals. The numbers 1, 2 and 3, and every whole hundred from 200 to 900, are declined as nouns and adjectives with some differences. unus, una, unum (masculine, feminine, neuter) I one duo, duae, duo (m., f., n.) II two tres, tria (m./f., n.) III three quattuor IIII or IV four quinque V five sex VI six septem VII seven octo VIII eight novem VIIII or IX nine decem X ten quinquaginta L Fifty (50) Centum C One Hundred (100) Quingenti D Five Hundred (500) Mille M One Thousand (1000) The numbers from quattuor (four) to centum (one hundred) do not change their endings. Example text Commentarii de Bello Gallico, also called De Bello Gallico (The Gallic War), written by Gaius Julius Caesar, begins with the following passage: Gallia est omnis divisa in partes tres, quarum unam incolunt Belgae, aliam Aquitani, tertiam qui ipsorum lingua Celtae, nostra Galli appellantur. Hi omnes lingua, institutis, legibus inter se differunt. Gallos ab Aquitanis Garumna flumen, a Belgis Matrona et Sequana dividit. Horum omnium fortissimi sunt Belgae, propterea quod a cultu atque humanitate provinciae longissime absunt, minimeque ad eos mercatores saepe commeant atque ea quae ad effeminandos animos pertinent important, proximique sunt Germanis, qui trans Rhenum incolunt, quibuscum continenter bellum gerunt. Qua de causa Helvetii quoque reliquos Gallos virtute praecedunt, quod fere cotidianis proeliis cum Germanis contendunt, cum aut suis finibus eos prohibent aut ipsi in eorum finibus bellum gerunt. Eorum una pars, quam Gallos obtinere dictum est, initium capit a flumine Rhodano, continetur Garumna flumine, Oceano, finibus Belgarum; attingit etiam ab Sequanis et Helvetiis flumen Rhenum; vergit ad septentriones. Belgae ab extremis Galliae finibus oriuntur; pertinent ad inferiorem partem fluminis Rheni; spectant in septentrionem et orientem solem. Aquitania a Garumna flumine ad Pyrenaeos montes et eam partem Oceani quae est ad Hispaniam pertinet; spectat inter occasum solis et septentriones. Handle – 425mL New Zealand beer glass Jug – 750–1000mL served at pubs in New Zealand coaster, drink coaster, beverage coaster, or beermat is an article used to rest beverages upon. The purpose is to protect the surface of a table or any other surface where the user might place their beverage. Public houses usually will have beermats spread out across the tables. They are used not just to protect the surface of the table, but, as they are usually made of paper, they can also be used to absorb condensation dripping along the glass or serve as an ad-hoc notepad. Beermats are often branded with trademarks or alcohol advertising. Beermats are not to be confused with bar mats, rectangular pieces of rubber or absorbent material used to protect the counter top and soak up spilled drinks in a bar or pub. Contents [hide] 1 History 2 Manufacture 3 Coaster imprints 4 Tegestology 5 References 6 External links History[edit] In 1880, the first beermats made of cardboard were introduced by the German printing company, Friedrich Horn.[1] In 1892, Robert Sputh of Dresden manufactured the first beermat made of wood pulp.[2] Watney brewery introduced them to the United Kingdom in 1920 to advertise their pale ale.[2] The packaging company Quarmby Promotions, established in 1872, began manufacturing beermats in Milnsbridge in 1931. After it was taken over by the Katz Group, it moved production to Brighouse and in 2006 to Morley, West Yorkshire, before closing its production in 2009.[3] Saucers were also long used in Europe for much the same purpose. When drinking tea, it was customary to use a cup and saucer set. By the mid-twentieth century, beverage coasters made in many materials and styles were being manufactured for domestic use. Today they are common as a houseware and in restaurants. Manufacture[edit] Beverage coasters made from cork Coasters are often made from high grammage paperboard, but may also be made from several layers of tissue paper. Important parameters for beer mats are water absorbency, wet rub and printability.[citation needed] Coaster Factory and Canada Coaster, based in North America, and The Katz Group, based in Weisenbach, Germany, produce approximately 75% of the estimated 5.5 billion beermats in the world,[2] including about two-thirds of the European market and 97% of the US market.[1] In addition to the factory in Weisenbach, Katz has another two conversion factories in the U.S., one in Sanborn, New York and the other in Johnson City, Tennessee.[2] Coaster imprints[edit] A collection of beermats advertising various brands of beer. Beermats are usually adorned with a customized image—usually mentioning or advertising a brand of beer, although they can also be used to promote a drinking establishment, sports franchise, businesses or special events. Recently, they have also been used to advertise political messages and parties, such as the UKIP beermats during the 2004 European Elections. Tegestology[edit] Some coasters are collectible items. Tegestology is a term coined from Latin (teges, -etis covering, mat) defined as the practice of collecting beermats or coasters, with practitioners known as tegestologists.[4] A 1960 British Pathe News short shows comedy duo Morecambe and Wise as tegestologists Australian beer glasses[edit] Main article: Australian beer § Beer glasses Middy – 285mL (10 fl. oz.) Australian beer glass (New South Wales) Glass – 200mL (7 fl. oz.) Australian beer glass (Queensland & Victoria) Pot – 285mL (10 fl. oz.) Australian beer glass (Queensland & Victoria). Schooner – 425mL (15 fl. oz.) Australian beer glass, 285 mL (10 fl. oz.) in South Australia Stemware[edit] A stem glass Main article: Stemware Absinthe glass Chalice (goblet), an ornate stem glass, especially one for ceremonial purposes Champagne coupe, a stem glass with a wide, shallow bowl, for champagne (similar to a cocktail glass) Champagne flute, a stem glass with a tall, narrow bowl, for champagne Cocktail glass, a stem glass with a wide, shallow bowl, for cocktails Fountain glass, a tall fluted stem glass common in soda fountains, family restaurants and 24-hour diner-style restaurants for milkshakes and ice cream sodas Glencairn whisky glass, a wide bowl with a narrow mouth, similar to a snifter's, but with a shorter, sturdier base, designed for whisky[7] Hurricane glass (Poco Grande glass) Margarita glass (variant of Champagne coupe) Sherbet, a stem glass for ice cream or sherbet Sherry glass Snifter, a liquor glass with a short stem and a wide bowl that narrows at the top, for brandy and liquor Wine glass, a stem glass Other[edit] A variety of drinking glasses Art glass, glassware that is modern art Glass container, container made from glass Laboratory glassware, a variety of equipment, traditionally made of glass, used for scientific experiments Pitcher, a container, usually with a spout for pouring its contents Punch bowl, a bowl that punch is put in, generally used in parties Vase, an open container often used to hold flowers Pisco Sour IBA Mango Sour Jazmin Sour Aguaymanto Sour Other[edit] Agua loca Karsk Historical classes of cocktails[edit] A Ramos Gin Fizz Bishop Cobbler – a traditional long drink that is characterized by a glass 3/4 filled with crushed or shaved ice that is formed into a centered cone, topped by slices of fruit Collins – a traditional long drink stirred with ice in the same glass it is served in and diluted with club soda, e.g. Tom Collins Crusta – characterized by a sugar rim on the glass, spirit (brandy being the most common), maraschino liqueur, aromatic bitters, lemon juice, curaçao, with an entire lemon rind as garnish Daisy – a traditional long drink consisting of a base spirit, lemon juice, sugar, grenadine. The most common daisy cocktail is the Brandy Daisy. Other commonly known daisies are the Whiskey Daisy, Bourbon Daisy, Gin Daisy, Rum Daisy, Lemon Daisy (the non-alcoholic variant), Portuguese Daisy (port and brandy), Vodka Daisy, and Champagne Daisy. Fix – a traditional long drink related to Cobblers, but mixed in a shaker and served over crushed ice Fizz – a traditional long drink including acidic juices and club soda, e.g. Gin Fizz Flip – a traditional half-long drink that is characterized by inclusion of sugar and egg yolk Julep – base spirit, sugar, and mint over ice. The most common is the Mint Julep. Other variations include Gin Julep, Whiskey Julep, Pineapple Julep, and Georgia Mint Julep. Negus Punch Rickey – a highball made from usually gin or bourbon, lime, and carbonated water Sangria Shrub Sling – a traditional long drink prepared by stirring ingredients over ice in the glass and filling up with juice or club soda Smash Sour Toddy Jumbie (rum liqueur) Licor de oro (whey, saffron and lemon peel) Kajmir (vanilla, brandy, and vodka) Kännu Kukk Mesi (honey) Liqueurs de Sodabi - NeHo Likors (Distilled then flavoured palm-wine. Flavours include banana, cinnamon, pineapple, passion fruit Made by NeHo Likors in Togo) Patxaran (sloe berries, coffee beans, and vanilla pod) Pimento (not the peppers stuffed into olives, but Allspice. Made in Jamaica by Wray and Nephews) Qi (lapsang souchong tea, fruits, spices, and Chardonnay brandy) Qi White (orange, ginger, clove, other herbs and spices, and white tea) Rumpleminze (peppermint) Salmiakki Koskenkorva (Salmiakkikossu, salmari) (salmiakki—Originally Turkish Pepper salty licorice) Sève Fournier—Champagne cognac, cocoa sap, vanilla, iris, and plant extracts Son Tinh (liquor) (Vietnamese Ru?u N?p, similar to Japanese sake) Sorel (clove, cassia, ginger, nutmeg, hibiscus) Southern Comfort (neutral grain spirits with whiskey, peach, orange and spice flavorings) Tuaca (brandy, vanilla, and citrus) TY KU (Asian spirit base (sake and soju), with yuzu, honeydew, mangosteen, green tea, wolfberry, and ginseng) Vana Tallinn (rum, citrus oil, vanilla, cinnamon, and other spices) Vov (egg yolk, sugar and marsala wine) Voyant Chai Cream (a chai-flavoured liqueur containing oak-aged rum, cream, black tea, vanilla, and spices) Y Chilli (cinnamon, chili peppers, and other ingredients) Palm wine (coconut wine) Returner (liqueur) (Earl Grey Earl Grey flavor and taste sweet) Raki Rakia Slivovitz Rum Shochu Singani Soju Tequila Tuica Vodka Whisky Bourbon whiskey Canadian whisky Irish whiskey Japanese whisky Rye whiskey Scotch whisky Tennessee whiskey ManX Spirit Brandy Armagnac Cognac Fruit brandy, Eau-de-vie (French), Schnapps - Obstwasser (German) Damassine Himbeergeist Kirsch Poire Williams Williamine A "standard drink" of hard liquor does not necessarily reflect a typical serving size, such as seen here A standard drink is a notional drink that contains a specified amount of pure alcohol. The standard drink is used in many countries to quantify alcohol intake. It is usually expressed as a measure of beer, wine, or spirits. One standard drink always contains the same amount of alcohol regardless of serving size or the type of alcoholic beverage. The standard drink varies significantly from country to country. For example, it is 7.62 ml (6 grams) of alcohol in Austria, but in Japan it is 25 ml (19.75 grams). In the United Kingdom, there is a system of units of alcohol which serves as a guideline for alcohol consumption. A single unit of alcohol is defined as 10 ml. The number of units present in a typical drink is sometimes printed on bottles. The system is intended as an aid to people who are regulating the amount of alcohol they drink; it is not used to determine serving sizes. In the United States, the standard drink contains 0.6 US fluid ounces (18 ml) of alcohol. This is approximately the amount of alcohol in a 12-US-fluid-ounce (350 ml) glass of beer, a 5-US-fluid-ounce (150 ml) glass of wine, or a 1.5-US-fluid-ounce (44 ml) glass of a 40% ABV (80 US proof) spirit. Food energy[edit] Alcoholic beverages are a source of food energy. The USDA uses a figure of 6.93 kilocalories (29.0 kJ) per gram of alcohol (5.47 kcal (22.9 kJ) per ml) for calculating food energy.[24] In addition to alcohol, many alcoholic beverages contain carbohydrates. For example, beer usually contains 10–15 g of carbohydrates (40–60 kcal or 170–250 kJ) per 350 ml (12 US fl oz) which may contribute to an increase in body weight and beer belly. In addition to the direct effect of its caloric content, alcohol is also known to potentiate the insulin response of the human body to glucose, which, in essence, "instructs" the body to convert consumed carbohydrates into fat and to suppress carbohydrate and fat oxidation.[25][26] Laws[edit] Main article: Alcohol laws Alcohol laws regulate the manufacture, sale, and consumption of alcoholic beverages. Such laws seek to reduce the health and social effects of their consumption. In particular, alcohol laws specify the legal drinking age, which usually varies between 16 and 25 years, sometimes depending upon the type of beverage. Some countries do not have a legal drinking or purchasing age, but most set the minimum age at 18 years.[1] Such laws may take the form of permitting distribution only to licensed stores or monopoly stores, and they are often combined with taxation. In some jurisdictions, alcoholic beverages are totally prohibited for reasons of religion (e.g., Islamic countries with sharia law) or for reasons of public health and morals (e.g., Prohibition in the United States from 1920 to 1933). In jurisdictions which enforce sharia law, the consumption of alcoholic beverages is an illegal offense,[27] although such laws may exempt non-Muslims.[28] History[edit] Members of a German Student Corps (Duchy of Brunswick) shown drinking in a picture from 1837. Main articles: History of alcoholic beverages and Drinking culture 10,000–5,000 BC: Discovery of late Stone Age jugs suggests that intentionally fermented beverages existed at least as early as the Neolithic period.[29] 7000–5600 BC: Examination and analysis of ancient pottery jars from the neolithic village of Jiahu in the Henan province of northern China revealed residue left behind by the alcoholic beverages they had once contained. According to a study published in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, chemical analysis of the residue confirmed that a fermented drink made of grape and hawthorn fruit wine, honey mead and rice beer was being produced in 7000–5600 BC (McGovern et al., 2005; McGovern 2009).[30][31] The results of this analysis were published in December 2004.[32] 12th century: Distilled alcoholic beverages were first recorded in Europe in the mid-12th century. By the early 14th century, they had spread throughout the European continent.[33] & &\text{H}& &\text{O}& \\ \end{smallmatrix} Metabolism of alcohol (ethanol) to acetaldehyde (ethanal) and then acetic acid (ethanoic acid) American Indian alcoholism[edit] See also: American Indian alcoholism While little detailed genetic research has been done, it has been shown that alcoholism tends to run in families with possible involvement of differences in alcohol metabolism and the genotype of alcohol-metabolizing enzymes. Genetics and amount of consumption[edit] Having a particular genetic variant (A-allele of ADH1B rs1229984) is associated with non-drinking and lower alcohol consumption. This variant is also associated with favorable cardiovascular profile and a reduced risk of coronary heart disease compared to those without the genetic variant, but it is unknown whether this may be caused by differences in alcohol consumption or by additional confounding effects of the genetic variant itself.[48] Gender differences[edit] Alcoholism[edit] Based on combined data from SAMHSA's 2004-2005 National Surveys on Drug Use & Health, the rate of past year alcohol dependence or abuse among people aged 12 or older varied by level of alcohol use: 44.7% of past month heavy drinkers, 18.5% binge drinkers, 3.8% past month non-binge drinkers, and 1.3% of those who did not drink alcohol in the past month met the criteria for alcohol dependence or abuse in the past year. Males had higher rates than females for all measures of drinking in the past month: any alcohol use (57.5% vs. 45%), binge drinking (30.8% vs. 15.1%), and heavy alcohol use (10.5% vs. 3.3%), and males were twice as likely as females to have met the criteria for alcohol dependence or abuse in the past year (10.5% vs. 5.1%).[49] Sensitivity[edit] Several biological factors make women more vulnerable to the effects of alcohol than men.[50] Body fat. Women tend to weigh less than men, and—pound for pound—a woman’s body contains less water and more fatty tissue than a man’s. Because fat retains alcohol while water dilutes it, alcohol remains at higher concentrations for longer periods of time in a woman’s body, exposing her brain and other organs to more alcohol. Enzymes. Women have lower levels of two enzymes—alcohol dehydrogenase and aldehyde dehydrogenase—that metabolize (break down) alcohol in the stomach and liver. As a result, women absorb more alcohol into their bloodstreams than men. Hormones. Changes in hormone levels during the menstrual cycle may also affect how a woman metabolizes alcohol. Metabolism[edit] Females demonstrated a higher average rate of elimination (mean, 0.017; range, 0.014-0.021 g/210 L) than males (mean, 0.015; range, 0.013-0.017 g/210 L). Female subjects on average had a higher percentage of body fat (mean, 26.0; range, 16.7-36.8%) than males (mean, 18.0; range, 10.2-25.3%).[51] Depression[edit] The link between alcohol consumption, depression, and gender was examined by the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health (Canada). The study found that women taking antidepressants consumed more alcohol than women who did not experience depression as well as men taking antidepressants. The researchers, Dr. Kathryn Graham and a PhD Student Agnes Massak analyzed the responses to a survey by 14,063 Canadian residents aged 18–76 years. The survey included measures of quantity, frequency of drinking, depression and antidepressants use, over the period of a year. The researchers used data from the GENACIS Canada survey, part of an international collaboration to investigate the influence of cultural variation on gender differences in alcohol use and related problems. The purpose of the study was to examine whether, like in other studies already conducted on male depression and alcohol consumption, depressed women also consumed less alcohol when taking anti-depressants.[52] According to the study, both men and women experiencing depression (but not on anti-depressants) drank more than non-depressed counterparts. Men taking antidepressants consumed significantly less alcohol than depressed men who did not use antidepressants. Non-depressed men consumed 436 drinks per year, compared to 579 drinks for depressed men not using antidepressants, and 414 drinks for depressed men who used antidepressants. Alcohol consumption remained higher whether the depressed women were taking anti-depressants or not. 179 drinks per year for non-depressed women, 235 drinks for depressed women not using antidepressants, and 264 drinks for depressed women who used antidepressants. The lead researcher argued that the study "suggests that the use of antidepressants is associated with lower alcohol consumption among men suffering from depression. But this does not appear to be true for women."[53] Comparison with other drugs[edit] Alcohol is considered to be more harmful[clarification needed] than any other commonly used recreational drug no data less than 50 50–150 150–250 250–350 350–450 450–550 550–650 650–750 750–850 850–950 950–1050 more than 1050 At low or moderate doses, alcohol acts primarily as a positive allosteric modulator of GABAA. Alcohol binds to several different subtypes of GABAA, but not to others. The main subtypes responsible for the subjective effects of alcohol are the a1ß3?2, a5ß3?2, a4ß3d and a6ß3d subtypes, although other subtypes such as a2ß3?2 and a3ß3?2 are also affected. Activation of these receptors causes most of the effects of alcohol such as relaxation and relief from anxiety, sedation, ataxia and increase in appetite and lowering of inhibitions that can cause a tendency toward violence in some people.[25][26][27][28][29][30][31] Alcohol has a powerful effect on glutamate as well. Alcohol decreases glutamate's ability to bind with NMDA and acts as an antagonist of the NMDA receptor, which plays a critical role in LTP by allowing Ca2+ to enter the cell. These inhibitory effects are thought to be responsible for the "memory blanks" that can occur at levels as low as 0.03% blood level. In addition, reduced glutamate release in the dorsal hippocampus has been linked to spatial memory loss. Chronic alcohol users experience an upregulation of NMDA receptors because the brain is attempting to reestablish homeostasis. When a chronic alcohol user stops drinking for more than 10 hours, apoptosis can occur due to excitotoxicity. The seizures experienced during alcohol abstinence are thought to be a result of this NMDA upregulation. Alteration of NMDA receptor numbers in chronic alcoholics is likely to be responsible for some of the symptoms seen in delirium tremens during severe alcohol withdrawal, such as delirium and hallucinations. Other targets such as sodium channels can also be affected by high doses of alcohol, and alteration in the numbers of these channels in chronic alcoholics is likely to be responsible for as well as other effects such as cardiac arrhythmia. Other targets that are affected by alcohol include cannabinoid, opioid and dopamine receptors, although it is unclear whether alcohol affects these directly or if they are affected by downstream consequences of the GABA/NMDA effects. People with a family history of alcoholism may exhibit genetic differences in the response of their NMDA glutamate receptors as well as the ratios of GABAA subtypes in their brain.[32][33][34][35][36][37][38][39][40][41] Alcohol inhibits sodium-potassium pumps in the cerebellum and this is likely how it corrupts cerebellar computation and body co-ordination.[42][43] Contrary to popular belief, research suggests that acute exposure to alcohol is not neurotoxic in adults and actually prevents NMDA antagonist-induced neurotoxicity.[44] Research[edit] Animal models using mammals and invertebrates have been informative in studying the effects of ethanol on not only pharmacokinetics of alcohol but also pharmacodynamics, in particular in the nervous system. Ethanol-induced intoxication is not uncommon in the animal kingdom, as noted here: "Many of us have noticed that bees or yellow jackets cannot fly well after having drunk the juice of overripe fruits or berries; bears have been seen to stagger and fall down after eating fermented honey; and birds often crash or fly haphazardly while intoxicated on ethanol that occurs naturally as free-floating microorganisms convert vegetable carbohydrates to alcohol."[45] More recently, studies using animal models have begun to elucidate the effects of ethanol on the nervous system. Traditionally, many studies have been performed in mammals, such as mice, rats, and non-human primates. However, non-mammalian animal models have also been employed; in particular, Ulrike Heberlein group at UC San Francisco has used Drosophila melanogaster, the fruit fly, taking advantage of its facile genetics to dissect the neural circuits and molecular pathways, upon which ethanol acts. The series of studies carried in the Heberlein lab has identified insulin and its related signaling pathways as well as biogenic amines in the invertebrate nervous system as being important in alcohol tolerance.[46][47][48] The value of antabuse (disulfiram) as a treatment for alcoholism has been tested using another invertebrate animal model, the honey bees.[49] It is important to note that some of the analogous biochemical pathways and neural systems have been known to be important in alcohol's effects on humans, while the possibility that others may also be important remains unknown. Research of alcohol's effects on the nervous system remains a hot topic of research, as scientists inch toward understanding the problem of alcohol addiction. In addition to the studies carried out in invertebrates, researchers have also used vertebrate animal models to study various effects of ethanol on behaviors Garcinia indica (Kokum)[33] Scutellaria lateriflora[34] Coriandrum sativum (Coriander)[35] Salvia elegans (Pineapple Sage)[36] Cannabidiol (a cannabinoid found in marijuana)[37] Supplements and over-the-counter pharmaceutical drugs[edit] Picamilon is a prodrug formed by combining niacin with GABA that is able to cross the blood–brain barrier and is then hydrolyzed into GABA and niacin. It is theorized that the GABA released in this process activates GABA receptors, with potential to produce an anxiolytic response.[38][39] Picamilon is sold in the United States as a dietary supplement, while in Russia it is sold as a prescription drug. Chlorpheniramine (Chlor-Trimeton)[40] and diphenhydramine (Benadryl) have hypnotic and sedative effects with mild anxiolytic-like properties (off-label use). These drugs are approved by the FDA for allergies, rhinitis, and urticaria. Melatonin has anxiolytic properties, likely mediated by the benzodiazepine/GABAergic system.[41] It has been used experimentally as an effective premedicant for general anesthesia in surgical procedures.[42] Inositol:[43] In a double-blind, controlled trial, myo-inositol (18 grams daily) was superior to fluvoxamine for decreasing the number of panic attacks and had fewer side-effects.[44] Future drugs[edit] Due to deficits with existing anxiolytics (either in terms of efficacy or side-effect profile), research into novel anxiolytics is active. Possible candidates for future drugs include: BNC210 CL-218,872 L-838,417 SL-651,498 S32212 PH94B Common drugs[edit] Prescription-free drugs are often poor anxiolytics and often worsen the symptoms over time[citation needed]. However, they are often used for self-medication because of their wide availability (e.g. alcoholic beverages). Alcohol[edit] See also: Short-term effects of alcohol Ethanol is used as an anxiolytic, sometimes by self-medication. fMRI can measure the anxiolytic effects of alcohol in the human brain.[45] The British National Formulary states, "Alcohol is a poor hypnotic because its diuretic action interferes with sleep during the latter part of the night." Alcohol is also known to induce alcohol-related sleep disorders.[46] Inhalants[edit] See also: Inhalant abuse § Patterns of non-medical usage and Street children in Latin America § Drugs The anxiolytic effects of solvents act as positive modulators of GABAA receptors (Bowen and colleagues 2006 2.1 Original experiment 3 Analysis 4 Comparison to maze tasks 5 Weaknesses 6 See also 7 References Overview[edit] Schematic drawing of the Morris water navigation test for rats. Size and marker may vary. Schematic drawing of the Morris water navigation test for rats. Size and marker may vary. A rat undergoing a Morris water navigation test A rat undergoing a Morris water navigation test The basic procedure for the Morris water navigation task is that the rat is placed in a large circular pool and is supposed to find an invisible or visible platform that allows it to escape the water by using various cues.[3][6] Many factors can influence the rats' performance, including their sex, the environment in which they were raised, exposure to drugs, etc.[4] There are three basic tactics for the rats to escape the maze: a praxic strategy (remembering the movements needed to get to the platform), a taxic strategy (the rat uses visual cues to reach their destinations), or spatial strategy (using distal cues as points of reference to locate themselves).[7] There are a variety of paradigms for the water maze that can be used to examine different cognitive functions.[8] In particular, cognitive flexibility can be assessed using a water maze paradigm in which the hidden platform is continually re-located.[9] JYONGRI Kiyoe Yoshioka Kanako Enomoto Kanbe Miyuki Kanon Wakeshima Kawabe Chieco Kawase Tomoko Keiko Kitagawa Kia Sakara Kumi Koda Kusumi Koharu Lia Lisa Yamaguchi Maaya Sakamoto Maeda Atsuko May J Mari Amachi Masako Mori Meisa Kuroki Megumi Odaka Megumi Megumi Hayashibara Melody Mew Azama MiCHi Mihiro Taniguchi Miho Komatsu Miho Nakayama Miho Yoshioka Miki Fujimoto Miliyah Kato MINMI Miyu Sawai Mizuki Nana Momoe Yamaguchi Myco Mika Nakashima Namie Amuro Natsuyaki Miyabi Noriko Sakai Reina Tanaka Reon Kadena Ribbon Ryoko Hirosue Saori Minami Sayaka Sayumi Michishige Seiko Matsuda Shoko Nakagawa Takako Ohta Takako Uehara Thelma Aoyama Tomomi Itano Tsugunaga Momoko Utada Hikaru Waka Inoue Yui Yui Makino Yukiko Okada Yuko Ogura Yuna Ito Tarento edit Aya Ueto Becky Kazushige Nagashima Kano sisters Obi Tenaka Mina Fukui Momoiro Clover Z Actors edit Main article List of Japanese actors Eita Kamakari Kenta Fujiwara Tatsuya Ishihara Yujiro Ikuta Toma Matsudaira Ken Shun Oguri Ryuhei Matsuda Takeru Satoh Seto Koji Satoshi Tsumabuki Shota Matsuda Ken Watanabe A edit Hiroshi Abe Tsuyoshi Abe Asahi Uchida Aiba Hiroki Kazuyuki Aijima Show Aikawa Akanishi Jin Kousei Amano Anan Kenji Masanobu Ando Aoyama Sota Arai Hirofumi Hirofumi Araki Arata Asano Tadanobu Kai Ato Atsumi Kiyoshi B edit Ban Daisuke Bando Eiji C edit Sonny Chiba Shinichi Chiba Chishu Ryu D edit Tsuyoshi Domoto Koichi Domoto E edit Eita Eguchi Yosuke Endo Kenichi Enomoto Kenichi F edit Tatsuya Fuji Fujimoto Takahiro Fujioka Hiroshi Fujita Makoto Fujiwara Tatsuya Fukikoshi Mitsuru Seizo Fukumoto Fukuyama Masaharu Akira Fuse G edit H edit Takashi Hagino Hagiwara Masato Kento Handa Harada Yoshio Hideji Otaki Higashi Sonomanma Hirata Hiroaki Hiro Mizushima Hiroshi Tamaki Hiroya Matsumoto Takahiro Hojo Hongo Kanata Horie Kei Horiuchi Masami Shigeki Hosokawa I edit Ichikawa Raizo Ichikawa Utaemon Ikariya Chosuke Ikebe Ryo Ikuta Toma Inoue Mao Isaka Tatsuya Iseya Yusuke Renji Ishibashi Ishibashi Ryo Ishida Takuya Ishihara Yujiro Ishikura Saburo Atsushi Ito Shigeru Izumiya J edit K edit Takeshi Kaga Kagawa Teruyuki Kamenashi Kazuya Masaki Kaji Bando Kakitsu I Kenta Kamakari Yusuke Kamiji Ryunosuke Kamiki Ryuji Kamiyama Kaname Jun Miyuki Kanbe Kane Kosugi Kaneshiro Takeshi Mitsuru Karahashi Kenzie Taylor Tsurutaro Kataoka Kazuki Kato Katori Shingo Ryo Katsuji Kazama Morio Kazunari Ninomiya Kazuya Kamenashi Keaton Yamada Ken Watanabe Kenichi Matsuyama Kimura Takuya Kishi Yuji Shin Kishida Kitamura Eiki Takeshi Kitano Kobayashi Akira Kaoru Kobayashi Kobayashi Keiju Masahiro Kobayashi actor Masahiro Kobayashi director Kobayashi Nenji Koki Tanaka Koike Teppei Koyuki Yoshikazu Kotani Kubozuka Yousuke Kurata Yasuaki L edit M edit Maeda Atsuko Maruse Taro Masanobu Ando Masahiko Kondo Masuda Takahisa Matsuda Kenji Matsuda Ryuhei Matsuda Shota Ken Matsudaira Yusaku Matsuda Matsukata Hiroki Matsukawa Naruki Matsumoto Jun Kenichi Matsuyama Takashi Matsuyama Toshiro Mifune Akifumi Miura Miura Haruma Miura Tomokazu Miyaguchi Seiji Yuya Miyashita Miyavi Hiro Mizushima Ryoji Morimoto Morishige Hisaya Moriyama Mirai Motoki Masahiro Hiroaki Murakami Murata Kazumi N edit Anzu Nagai Nagase Masatoshi Akira Nagata Nagayama Takashi Nakadai Tatsuya Kiichi Nakai Nakai Masahiro Nakamaru Yuichi Katsuo Nakamura Yuichi Nakamura actor Yuichi Nakamura voice actor Narimiya Hiroki Nezu Jinpachi Nishida Toshiyuki Hidetoshi Nishijima Nishikido Ryo Nishimura Masahiko O edit Oda Yuji Joe Odagiri Ogata Ken Oguri Shun Suzuka Ohgo Oizumi You Masumi Okada Masi Oka Okochi Denjiro Okuchi Kengo Oshinari Shugo Osugi Ren P edit Q edit R edit Ryohei Odai Ryu Kohata S edit Saito Takumi Sakai Masato Sanada Hiroyuki Sandayu Dokumamushi Takashi Sasano Koichi Sato Sato Takeru Yuki Sato Kenta Satoi Kotaro Satomi Sawaki Tetsu Sawamura Ikki Seto Koji Jyoji Shibue Shimomoto Shiro Shimura Takashi Shin Koyamada Shinjiro Atae Shirota Yuu Shishido Jo Shoei Sorimachi Takashi Takamasa Suga Sugi Ryotaro Hiroki Suzuki Shogo Yamaguchi T edit Takizawa Hideaki Taguchi Tomorowo Taguchi Junnosuke Tak Sakaguchi Takahashi Hideki Takakura Ken Takaoka Sosuke Takashima Masahiro Takashima Masanobu Kaku Takashina Tetsuya Takeda Takenaka Naoto Takenouchi Yutaka Takeshi Kaneshiro Tamba Tetsuro Tamba Yoshitaka Tamayama Tetsuji Tamura Masakazu Ryo Tamura Tanabe Seiichi


abby-lane abby-rode abigail-clayton ada-tauler addie-juniper addison-cain adele-wiesenthal adeline-lange adeline-pollicina adriana-amante adrianna-laurenti adrianna-russo agnes agnes-ardant agnes-zalontai aimee-addison aisha-sun aja aleena-ferari alessandra-schiavo aletta-ocean alexandra-nice alexandria-cass alexa-parks alex-dane alex-foxe alexia-knight alexis-devell alexis-firestone alexis-greco alexis-payne alexis-x alex-storm alex-white aliana-love alice-springs alicia-alighatti alicia-monet alicia-rio alicyn-sterling alighiera-olena ali-moore aline-santos alissa-ashley allysin-chaynes alysin-embers alyssa-love alyssa-reece amanda-addams amanda-blake amanda-blue amanda-jane-adams amanda-rae amanda-stone amanda-tyler amber-hunt amberlina-lynn amber-lynn amber-michaels amber-peach amber-wild amber-woods ambrosia-fox amia-miley ami-rodgers amy-allison amy-brooke amy-rose amy-starz anastasia-christ anastasia-sands andrea-adams andrea-brittian andrea-lange andrea-true andy angel angela-baron angela-summers angel-barrett angel-cash angel-cruz angel-cummings angel-ducharme angelica-sin angelika-reschner angelina-brasini angelina-korrs angelina-valentine angel-kelly angel-long angel-west angie-knight anita-andic anita-blond anita-cannibal anita-dark anna-belle anna-malle anna-nikova anna-pierce anna-ventura anna-veruska anne-bie-warburg anne-libert anne-magle anne-sand annette-haven annie-sprinkle ann-kiray ann-marie-michelle antonia-dorian april-flowers april-may april-west arcadia-lake ariana-bali ariana-jollee arlana-blue ashley-anne ashley-brooks ashley-coda ashley-fires ashley-lauren ashley-long ashley-marie ashley-nicole ashley-perk ashley-renee ashley-robbins ashley-welles ashley-wells ashley-winger ashlyn-gere astrid-bone athena-star aubrey-nichols aurora aurora-snow autumn-bliss autumn-rayne ava-devine ava-lauren avalon ava-marteens avy-lee-roth bailey-monroe bambi-allen barbara-bourbon barbara-boutet barbara-dare barbara-doll barbara-moose barbarella barbie-angel barbie-doll barett-moore bea-fiedler beata beatrice-poggi beatrice-valle becky-savage becky-sunshine belinda-butterfield bella-donna bethany-sweet beverly-bliss beverly-glen biggi-stenzhorn bionca black-widow blond-cat blondi blue-angel bobbi-bliss bobbi-dean bobbie-burns bonnie-holiday brandee brandi-edwards brandy-alexandre brandy-dean brandy-lee brandy-smile brandy-wine bree-anthony breezy-lane brenda-basse briana-blair bridgette-belle bridgette-monet bridgette-monroe bridget-waters brigitte-lahaie brigitte-monnin brigitte-verbecq brittany brittany-stryker britt-corvin britt-morgan bronze brooke-bennett brooke-fields brooke-haven brooke-west brook-van-buuren buffy-davis bunnie-blake bunny-bleu bunny-hatton busty-belle cali-caramel calisyn-heart cameo cameron-love camila-sampaio camilla-rhodes camille-morgan camrie-foxxx candace-daley candi candida-royalle candie-evens candi-summers candy-apples candy-barr candy-hill candy-samples candy-stanton cara-lott caressa-savage carmel-nougat carmen-blonde carmen-de-la-torre carmen-moore carmen-rose carol-connors carol-cross carol-cummings carole-dubois carole-gire carole-pierac carol-titian carolyn-connoly carolyn-monroe carrie-cruise cassandra-leigh cassidy cassie-courtland cataline-bullock catherine-count catherine-crystal catherine-ringer catherine-tailleferre cathy-delorme cathy-menard cathy-stewart celeste-fox celine-gallone chanel-preston chanel-price chantal-virapin chanta-rose chantelle-stevens charisma charisma-cole charlie-latour charlie-waters charlotte-de-castille charmane-star chasey-lain chayse-manhattan chaz-vincent chelsea-sinclaire chennin-blanc cheri-janvier cheri-taylor cherry-hill chessie-moore cheyenne-hunter cheyenne-silver china-lee china-leigh china-moon chloe-cruize chloe-dior chloe-kez chloe-stevens chris-collins chris-jordan chris-petersen chrissie-beauchamp christa-abel christa-ludwig christie-ford christi-lake christina-berg christina-blond christina-evol christina-skye christine-black christine-chavert christine-neona christine-rigoler christy-canyon cicciolina cindi-stephens cindy-carver cindy-crawford cindy-more cindy-shepard cindy-wong cinthya-marinho clair-dia claire-robbins claude-janna claudia-jackson claudia-jamsson claudia-mehringer claudia-nero claudia-van-statt claudia-zante claudine-beccarie clea-carson cleo-nichole cleo-patra cody-lane cody-love cody-nicole coffee-brown colleen-brennan connie-bennett connie-peterson constance-money copper-penny coreena corey-everson corinne-lemoine corneliah cory-everson cory-wolf courtney courtney-cummz courtney-james cris-cassidy crissy-moran cris-taliana crystal-breeze crystal-dawn crystal-holland crystal-knight crystal-lake crystal-lovin crystal-sync csilla-kalnay cuban-bee cynara-fox cyndee-summers cynthia-black cynthia-brooks cynthia-hammers cynthia-lavigne dagmar-lost daisy-layne dallas-miko dana-dylan dana-lynn danica-rhea daniela-nanou daniela-schiffer daniele-troeger daniella daniella-schiffer danielle danielle-foxxx danielle-rodgers danny-ricci danyel-cheeks daphne daphne-rosen darby-lloyd-rains darla-crane darla-delovely davia-ardell dayton-rain debbie-northrup debbie-revenge debbie-van-gils debi-diamond debi-jointed debra-lynn deidra-hopkins deidre-holland delania-raffino delia-moore delphine-thail delta-force delta-white demi-moor denice-klarskov denise-derringer denise-dior denise-sloan desiree-cousteau desiree-foxx desiree-lane desiree-west deva-station devin-devasquez devinn-lane devon-shire dia diana-holt diana-kisabonyi diana-siefert diana-stevenson diane-dubois diane-richards diane-sloan diane-suresne dido-angel dillan-lauren dina-deville dina-jewel dina-pearl ditty-blue diva divinity-love djiana dolly-darkley dominique dominique-dewitt dominique-saint-claire donna-hart donna-marie dorle-buchner dorothy-lemay dorothy-onan drea drimla dru-berrymore dusty-rose dyanna-lauren ebony-ayes edina-blond edita-ungerova edwige-faillel eileen-wells elaine-southern elena-berkova elena-maria-ricci eleonore-melzer elisabeth-bure elis-black elise elise-di-medici elle-devyne elle-rio elodie-delage elsa-maroussia elza-brown emili-doll emily-evermoore emily-george emily-jewel emmanuelle-pareze envy-mi erica-boyer erica-eaton erica-havens erica-idol erica-lauren erika-bella erika-cool erika-heaven erika-lockett esme-monroe eva-allen eva-angel eva-dionisio eva-gross eva-kleber eva-lux eva-uettori eve-laurence evelyne-lang evie-delatosso fabiana-venturi faith-stevens fallon fanny-garreau fanny-steel faye-runaway flame flick-shagwell flore-soller flower france-lomay france-quenie francoise frankie-leigh gabriella gabriella-mirelba gabriella-vincze gail-force gail-palmer gail-sterling georgette-saunders georgia-peach georgina-spelvin gia-givanna gianna-lynn gili-sky gina-carrera gina-gianetti gina-janssen gina-lee gina-martell gina-valentino ginger-jay ginger-lee ginger-lynn ginny-noack giovanna gisela-schwarz giselle-monet gladys-laroche gloria-leonard gloria-todd golden-jade greta-carlson greta-milos guia-lauri-filzi gwenda-farnel hare-krane harley-raine hayley-jade hazel-young heather-deeley heather-ellis heather-hart heather-lere heather-lyn heather-manfield heather-thomas heather-torrance heather-wayne heather-young helen-madigan helen-thomas helga-sven helga-wild hillary-summers holly-hollywood holly-joy holly-page holly-ryder honey-winter hottie-hollie hyapatia-lee ida-fabry ildiko-smits illana-moor ines-ridere ingrid-choray isabella-dior isabella-soprano isabelle-allay isabelle-brell isabelle-marchall isobel-wren iveta ivette-blanche jackie-right jacqueline-lorians jacy-allen jada-stevens jade-east jade-hsu jade-marcela jade-summers jade-wong jahn-gold jamie-brooks jamie-james jamie-summers jana-irrova jana-mrazkova jane-baker jane-darling jane-iwanoff jane-lindsay jane-lixx janet-jacme janey-robbins jasmine-delatori jayden-simone jaylyn-rose jayna-woods jazella-moore jazmin-luna-gold jean-afrique jeanette-littledove jeanie-marie-sullivan jean-jennings jeanna-fine jeannie-pepper jenna-jameson jenna-jane jenna-presley jenna-wells jennifer-haussmann jennifer-janes jennifer-jordan jennifer-morante jennifer-noxt jennifer-stewart jennifer-welles jennifer-west jenny jenny-feeling jenny-fields jenny-wings jersey-jaxin jesie-st-james jesse-capelli jessica-bangkok jessica-bogart jessica-darlin jessica-fiorentino jessica-gabriel jessica-laine jessica-may jessica-road jessica-wylde jessi-foster jill-ferari jill-kelly joana-redgrave joan-devlon joanna-storm joanna-sweet jody-maxwell joelle-lequement joelle-petinot johnni-black jordana-james jordan-green jordan-nevaeh jordan-star josephine-carrington joslyn-james julia-chanel julia-dal-fuoco juliana-grandi julia-paes julia-parton julia-perrin julia-swen julia-thomas julie-meadows julie-rage julie-simone juliet-anderson juliet-graham juliette-carelton kacey-jordan kagney-linn-karter kaitlyn-ashley kalena-rios kami-andrews kamila-smith kandee-licks kandi-barbour kapri-styles kara-nox karen-summer kari-foxx karine-gambier karin-schubert karli-sweet karmen-kennedy karol-castro kascha kassi-nova kat kate-frost kate-jones kathia-nobili kathleen-gentry kathleen-white kathy-divan kathy-harcourt kathy-heart kathy-kash katie-cummings katja-love kat-langer katrina-isis katrina-kraven katy-borman katy-caro kaycee-dean kayla-kupcakes kay-parker k-c-valentine keama-kim keira-moon keisha keli-richards kelli-tyler kelly-adams kelly-blue kelly-broox kelly-hearn kelly-kay kelly-kline kelly-nichols kelly-royce kelly-skyline kendra-kay kenzi-marie keri-windsor ketthy-divan kianna-dior kiley-heart kim-alexis kimber-blake kimberly-carson kimberly-kane kimberly-kyle kim-de-place kim-holland kimi-gee kimkim-de kim-kitaine kimmie-lee kimmy-nipples kina-kara kira-eggers kira-red kirsty-waay kitty-langdon kitty-lynxxx kitty-marie kitty-shayne kitty-yung kora-cummings kris-lara krista-lane krista-maze kristara-barrington kristarah-knight kristi-klenot kristina-blonde kristina-king kristina-klevits kristina-soderszk kristine-heller kristin-steen krisztina-ventura krystal-de-boor krystal-steal kylee-karr kylee-nash kylie-brooks kylie-channel kylie-haze kylie-wylde kym-wilde kyoto-sun lachelle-marie lacy-rose lady-amanda-wyldefyre lady-stephanie laetitia-bisset lana-burner lana-cox lana-wood lara-amour lara-roxx lara-stevens lataya-roxx latoya laura-clair laura-lazare laura-lion laura-may laura-orsolya laura-paouck laura-zanzibar lauren-black laurence-boutin lauren-montgomery laurien-dominique laurien-wilde laurie-smith lauryl-canyon lauryn-may leah-wilde lea-magic lea-martini leanna-foxxx lee-caroll leigh-livingston leilani lenora-bruce leslie-winston lesllie-bovee letizia-bruni lexi-lane lexi-matthews lezley-zen lia-fire liliane-gray liliane-lemieuvre lili-marlene lily-gilder lily-labeau lily-rodgers lily-valentine linda-shaw linda-vale linda-wong linnea-quigley lisa-bright lisa-de-leeuw lisa-k-loring lisa-lake lisa-melendez lisa-sue-corey lise-pinson little-oral-annie liza-dwyer liza-harper lizzy-borden logan-labrent lois-ayres lola-cait long-jean-silver loni-bunny loni-sanders loona-luxx lorelei-lee lorelei-rand lorena-sanchez lori-alexia lori-blue lorrie-lovett luci-diamond lucie-doll lucie-theodorova lucy-van-dam lydia-baum lynn-franciss lynn-lemay lynn-ray lynn-stevens lynx-canon lysa-thatcher madelina-ray madison-parker magdalena-lynn maggie-randall mai-lin mandi-wine mandy-bright mandy-malone mandy-may mandy-mistery mandy-starr marcia-minor maren margit-ojetz margitta-hofer margo-stevens margot-mahler mariah-cherry marianne-aubert maria-tortuga marie-anne marie-christine-chireix marie-christine-veroda marie-claude-moreau marie-dominique-cabannes marie-france-morel marie-luise-lusewitz marie-sharp marilyn-chambers marilyne-leroy marilyn-gee marilyn-jess marilyn-martyn marilyn-star marina-hedman marion-webb marita-ekberg marita-kemper marlena marlene-willoughby marry-queen martine-grimaud martine-schultz maryanne-fisher mary-hubay mary-ramunno mary-stuart mascha-mouton maud-kennedy mauvais-denoir maxine-tyler maya-black maya-france megan-leigh megan-martinez megan-reece mei-ling melanie-hotlips melanie-scott melba-cruz melinda-russell melissa-bonsardo melissa-del-prado melissa-golden melissa-martinez melissa-melendez melissa-monet mercedes-dragon mercedes-lynn merle-michaels mesha-lynn mia-beck mia-lina mia-smiles michele-raven michelle-aston michelle-ferrari michelle-greco michelle-maren michelle-maylene michelle-monroe micki-lynn mika-barthel mika-tan mikki-taylor mimi-morgan mindy-rae ming-toy miranda-stevens miss-bunny miss-meadow miss-pomodoro missy missy-graham missy-stone missy-vega misti-jane mistress-candice misty-anderson misty-dawn misty-rain misty-regan mona-lisa mona-page moni monica-baal monica-swinn monika-peta monika-sandmayr monika-unco monique-bruno monique-cardin monique-charell monique-demoan monique-gabrielle monique-la-belle morgan-fairlane morrigan-hel moxxie-maddron mulani-rivera mysti-may nadege-arnaud nadia-styles nadine-bronx nadine-proutnal nadine-roussial nadi-phuket nanci-suiter nancy-hoffman nancy-vee natacha-delyro natalia-wood natalli-diangelo natascha-throat natasha-skyler naudia-nyce nessa-devil nessy-grant nesty nicki-hunter nicky-reed nicole-berg nicole-bernard nicole-black nicole-grey nicole-london nicole-parks nicole-scott nicole-taylor nicolette-fauludi nicole-west nika-blond nika-mamic niki-cole nikita-love nikita-rush nikki-charm nikki-grand nikki-king nikki-knight nikki-randall nikki-rhodes nikki-santana nikki-steele nikki-wilde niko nina-cherry nina-deponca nina-hartley nina-preta oana-efria obaya-roberts olesja-derevko olga-cabaeva olga-conti olga-pechova olga-petrova olivia-alize olivia-del-rio olivia-flores olivia-la-roche olivia-outre ophelia-tozzi orchidea-keresztes orsolya-blonde paige-turner paisley-hunter pamela-bocchi pamela-jennings pamela-mann pamela-stanford pamela-stealt pandora paola-albini pascale-vital pat-manning pat-rhea patricia-dale patricia-diamond patricia-kennedy patricia-rhomberg patrizia-predan patti-cakes patti-petite paula-brasile paula-harlow paula-morton paula-price paula-winters pauline-teutscher penelope-pumpkins penelope-valentin petra-hermanova petra-lamas peyton-lafferty phaedra-grant pia-snow piper-fawn pipi-anderson porsche-lynn porsha-carrera precious-silver priscillia-lenn purple-passion queeny-love rachel-ashley rachel-love rachel-luv rachel-roxxx rachel-ryan rachel-ryder racquel-darrian rane-revere raven reagan-maddux rebecca-bardoux regan-anthony regine-bardot regula-mertens reina-leone reka-gabor renae-cruz renee-foxx renee-lovins renee-morgan renee-perez renee-summers renee-tiffany rhonda-jo-petty rikki-blake riley-ray rio-mariah rita-ricardo roberta-gemma roberta-pedon robin-byrd robin-cannes robin-everett robin-sane rochell-starr rosa-lee-kimball rosemarie roxanne-blaze roxanne-hall roxanne-rollan ruby-richards sabina-k sabre sabrina-chimaera sabrina-dawn sabrina-jade sabrina-johnson sabrina-love-cox sabrina-mastrolorenzi sabrina-rose sabrina-scott sabrina-summers sacha-davril sahara sahara-sands sai-tai-tiger samantha-fox samantha-ryan samantha-sterlyng samantha-strong samueline-de-la-rosa sandra-cardinale sandra-de-marco sandra-kalermen sandra-russo sandy-lee sandy-pinney sandy-reed sandy-samuel sandy-style sandy-summers sara-brandy-canyon sara-faye sarah-bernard sarah-cabrera sarah-hevyn sarah-mills sarah-shine sara-sloane sasha sasha-hollander sasha-ligaya sasha-rose satine-phoenix satin-summer savannah-stern savanna-jane scarlet-scarleau scarlet-windsor seka selena serena serena-south severine-amoux shana-evans shanna-mccullough shannon-kelly shannon-rush shantell-day sharon-da-vale sharon-kane sharon-mitchell shaun-michelle shawna-sexton shawnee-cates shay-hendrix shayne-ryder sheena-horne sheer-delight shelby-star shelby-stevens shelly-berlin shelly-lyons sheri-st-clair sheyla-cats shonna-lynn shyla-foxxx shy-love sierra-sinn sierra-skye sigrun-theil silver-starr silvia-bella silvia-saint silvie-de-lux silvy-taylor simone-west sindee-coxx sindy-lange sindy-shy siobhan-hunter skylar-knight skylar-price skyler-dupree smokie-flame smoking-mary-jane solange-shannon sonya-summers sophia-santi sophie-call sophie-duflot sophie-evans sophie-guers stacey-donovan stacy-lords stacy-moran stacy-nichols stacy-silver stacy-thorn starla-fox starr-wood stefania-bruni stella-virgin stephanie-duvalle stephanie-rage stephanie-renee stevie-taylor summer-knight summer-rose sunny-day sunset-thomas sunshine-seiber susan-hart susanne-brend susan-nero susi-hotkiss suzanne-mcbain suzan-nielsen suzie-bartlett suzie-carina suzi-sparks sweet-nice sweety-pie sybille-rossani sylvia-benedict sylvia-bourdon sylvia-brand sylvia-engelmann syreeta-taylor syren-de-mer syvette szabina-black szilvia-lauren tai-ellis taija-rae taisa-banx talia-james tamara-lee tamara-longley tamara-n-joy tamara-west tami-white tammy tammy-lee tammy-reynolds tania-lorenzo tantala-ray tanya-danielle tanya-fox tanya-foxx tanya-lawson tanya-valis tara-aire tasha-voux tatjana-belousova tatjana-skomorokhova tawnee-lee tawny-pearl tayla-rox taylor-wane teddi-austin teddi-barrett tera-bond tera-heart tera-joy teresa-may teresa-orlowski teri-diver teri-weigel terri-dolan terri-hall tess-ferre tess-newheart thais-vieira tia-cherry tianna tiara tiffany-blake tiffany-clark tiffany-duponte tiffany-rayne tiffany-rousso tiffany-storm tiffany-towers tiffany-tyler tiger-lily tigr timea-vagvoelgyi tina-blair tina-burner tina-evil tina-gabriel tina-loren tina-marie tina-russell tish-ambrose tommi-rose tonisha-mills topsy-curvey tori-secrets tori-sinclair tori-welles tracey-adams traci-lords traci-topps traci-winn tracy-duzit tracy-love tracy-williams tricia-devereaux tricia-yen trinity-loren trisha-rey trista-post trixie-tyler ultramax ursula-gaussmann ursula-moore uschi-karnat valentina valerie-leveau valery-hilton vanessa-chase vanessa-del-rio vanessa-michaels vanessa-ozdanic vanilla-deville velvet-summers veri-knotty veronica-dol veronica-hart veronica-hill veronica-rayne veronica-sage veronika-vanoza via-paxton vicky-lindsay vicky-vicci victoria-evans victoria-gold victoria-knight victoria-luna victoria-paris victoria-slick victoria-zdrok viper virginie-caprice vivian-valentine vivien-martines wendi-white wendy-divine whitney-banks whitney-fears whitney-wonders wonder-tracey wow-nikki xanthia-berstein yasmine-fitzgerald yelena-shieffer yvonne-green zara-whites zsanett-egerhazi zuzie-boobies

History[edit] The Morris water navigation task was conceived by Richard G. Morris (then at the University of St Andrews) in 1981 as an alternative to the radial maze.[10] The test was developed to study spatial learning and how it differed from other forms of associative learning.[11] Originally rats, now more commonly mice, were placed in an open pool and the latency to escape was measured for up to six trials a day for 2–14 days.[12] Several variables are used to evaluate an animal's performance. For example, a "probe trial" measures how long the test subject spends in the "target quadrant" (the quadrant with the hidden platform).[12] More elaborate trials alter the location of the hidden platform, or measure distance spent swimming in the pool before reaching the platform.[12] Over the years, many different versions of this test have been performed with a large amount of variables. For example, neuroscientists examine the effect of differences of sex, weight, strength, stress levels, age, and strain of species. The results vary dramatically, so researchers cannot draw conclusions unless these variables are kept constant.[1] Many different size pools have been used throughout the history of this task, but it has been shown that this does not have a significant impact on the results of the test.[13] In early versions of the task, researchers only timed latency to escape, however video tracking devices are now routinely used to measure the path to escape, time spent in each quadrant, and distance traveled in the pool.[14] Original experiment[edit] In Morris' first experiment, the apparatus was a large circular pool, 1.30 m across and 0.60 m high. The purpose of the original experiment was to show that spacial learning does not require the presence of local cues, meaning that rats can learn to locate an object without any auditory, visual, or olfactory cues.[15] Analysis[edit] The earliest measure of learning is escape latency, which is the time it takes to find the platform. However, this measure is confounded by swimming speed, not necessarily a cognitive factor and path length between point of origin and platform is a parameter more closely related to spatial learning.[16] Further parameters are the Gallagher measure,[17] the average distance to the platform, and the Whishaw corridor test,[citation needed] which measures time and path in a strip directly leading from swim-start to platform. Other parameters are measured during probe trials: the escape platform is removed and the mice or rats are allowed to search for it for a fixed time (often 60 seconds). Variables measured are time and path length in quadrants, time near platform, and platform crossings. Comparison to maze tasks[edit] Like other spatial tasks, such as the T-maze and radial arm maze, the Morris water navigation task is supposed to measure spatial memory, movement control, and cognitive mapping.[18][19] The T-maze and radial arm maze are much more structured in comparison.[20] The T-maze, for instance, only requires the rat or mouse to make a binary decision, choose left or right (or East or West). In the Morris water navigation task, on the other hand, the animal needs to decide continually where to go.[11] Another reason this task became popular is that rats (but not mice)[18] are natural swimmers, but dislike colder water (mice simply dislike water of any temperature), so in order to perform the task they do not need to be motivated by food deprivation or electrical shock.[11] The mobility of the platform allows for experiments on learning and relearning.[14] Also, the apparatus set-up and costs are relatively low.[14] Weaknesses[edit] When the searching times for the platform in the target quadrant are reduced in the probe trial, this is seen as direct evidence that the spatial memory of the mouse must be impaired. However, many times the reason for a lengthier amount of time spent looking for the platform, or the lack of searching in the target quadrant, has nothing to do with an effect on the mouse's spatial memory, but is actually due to other factors. A large study of performance in mice concluded that almost half of all variance in performance scores was due to differences in thigmotaxis, the tendency of animals to stay close to the walls of the pool. About 20% of the variability was explained by differing tendencies of mice to float passively in the water until "rescued" by the experimenter. Differences in spatial memory were only the third factor, explaining just 13% of the variation between animals' performance.[16] Molecular model of methylazoxymethanol acetate. Methylazoxymethanol acetate (MAM) is used during gestation to affect aspects of neural development. MAM selectively targets neuroblasts in the central nervous system. As neuroblasts are cells which become neurons, interfering with them using MAM inhibits the areas of the brain which are developing most quickly. The effects of MAM therefore depend on the stage of development at which it is administered, or the gestational age of the subject. In rat studies, administration of MAM at day 17 of gestation (GD17) results in several cognitive and anatomical changes which are common to schizophrenia patients. The thickness of the hippocampus and the thalamus are reduced, the locomotor effects of amphetamines and the spontaneous firing rate of dopominergic neurons in the ventral tegmental area are increased, and defects in working spacial memory are observed.[5][7] Social isolation[edit] Rats have a specific social organization within colonies. In social isolation models, pups which are placed in separate cages after being weaned show behavioural changes as adults and altered neural development. These changes remain after being re-introduced into the colony in adulthood. The behavioural deficits caused include neophobia, a larger response to new stimulus, locomotor hyperactivity, and increased aggression. Social isolation rats' inability to habituate to new environments may be caused by an increased mesolimbic dopaminergic activity.[5] Genetic models[edit] Studies involving twins have shown that schizophrenia is a heritable disease. While no one gene is responsible for the disease, a large number of possible genes have been identified. Genetic animal models of schizophrenia often involve knockout mice, genetically modified mice where one or more of these genes is removed or disrupted.[5] DISC1[edit] Disrupted in schizophrenia 1 (DISC1) was one of the first genes discovered to be involved in schizophrenia. As of 2011, seven different strains of DISC1 mouse models had been developed. As in schizophrenia patients, DISC1 mice have an increased lateral ventricle size, reduced cortical size, changes to the hippocampus, and changes to prepulse inhibition of startle which are reversed on treatment with haloperidol and clozapine.[5] One DISC1 mouse model is induced by the mutagenic chemical ENU. ENU introduces missense point mutations; screening for mutations in a particular exon of DISC1 can produce mouse models with schizophrenia-like behavioural deficits.[8] Neuregulin 1 and associated genes[edit] The gene NRG1 codes for neuregulin 1, a growth factor which is crucial to the development of the nervous system, and to neurotransmission and formation of synapses in adults. NRG1 and the gene for the receptor to which neuregulin 1 binds, ERBB4, have been tested as possible animal models of schizophrenia. While mice which have two copies of (are homozygous for) a knocked out version of NRG1 do not survive, viable animal models have been developed using heterozygous or partial knockout. One such mouse model is the heterozygous removal of the EGF-like domain on neuregulin 1, these models are called Nrg1(?EGF)+/- mice. Nrg1(?EGF)+/- mice have been shown to have social interaction problems, reduced prepulse of inhibition and larger spontaneous locomotion. Other neuregulin 1 models include the heterozygous removal of the transmembrane domain (Nrg1(?TM)+/- mice) and the immunoglobulin domain (Nrg1(?Ig)+/- mice). Nrg1(?TM)+/- mice display hyperactivity in various conditions, an effect which is reduced by the atypical antipsychotic clozapine.[5] Dysbindin[edit] Dysbindin is a protein coded for by the gene DTNBP1, which has been linked to schizophrenia.[2] Dysbindin may be involved in the changes to neurotransmission observed in patients with schizophrenia. According to SA Jones et al, DTNBP1 is "currently thought to be one of the most promising candidate genes for schizophrenia susceptibility".[5] One naturally occurring animal model involving dysbindin, the sdy (sandy) mouse, has a number of anatomical changes compared to normal mice, including changes to the hippocampus. Sdy mice have homozygous mutations to DTNBP1, and lack the ability to produce dysbindin, heterozygous mutants can be produced by crossing sdy mice with a strain of normal mice.[5] Reelin[edit] File:Reeler 100kbps.ogg Reeler mouse. Reelin is a protein which is involved in synaptic plasticity and synaptogenesis in the brain. In the frontal cortices, cerebellums, and hippocampi of schizophrenia patients, the amount of the protein and its messenger RNA are reduced. Knockout mice in which the reelin gene is disrupted are called reeler mice. In homozygous reeler mice, extreme changes in gait and other behavioural anomalies are seen (illustrated in video); these changes go beyond those associated with schizophrenia.[5] Heterozygous reeler mice display lower social dominance in some tests, but other social deficits seen in schizophrenia are absent.[9] Reeler mice also have schizophrenia-like anatomical defects in the frontal cortex, but have few cognitive defects which are associated with that area and found in schizophrenia. Tests using the Morris water maze have found that reeler mice do not have the abnormalities in spatial reference memory which are found in patients with schizophrenia.[5] Other genetic models[edit] G72/G30 The G72/G30 gene complex is a possible risk factor for schizophrenia; male animal mutants have less aggressive behaviours and have olfactory abnormalities.[9] PPP3CC PPP3CC is a gene in which mutations are risk factors for schizophrenia; knockout animal models have social deficits.[9] History Main article: History of schizophrenia In the early 20th century, the psychiatrist Kurt Schneider listed the forms of psychotic symptoms that he thought distinguished schizophrenia from other psychotic disorders. These are called first-rank symptoms or Schneider's first-rank symptoms. They include delusions of being controlled by an external force; the belief that thoughts are being inserted into or withdrawn from one's conscious mind; the belief that one's thoughts are being broadcast to other people; and hearing hallucinatory voices that comment on one's thoughts or actions or that have a conversation with other hallucinated voices.[138] Although they have significantly contributed to the current diagnostic criteria, the specificity of first-rank symptoms has been questioned. A review of the diagnostic studies conducted between 1970 and 2005 found that they allow neither a reconfirmation nor a rejection of Schneider's claims, and suggested that first-rank symptoms should be de-emphasized in future revisions of diagnostic systems.[139] The history of schizophrenia is complex and does not lend itself easily to a linear narrative.[140] Accounts of a schizophrenia-like syndrome are thought to be rare in historical records before the 19th century, although reports of irrational, unintelligible, or uncontrolled behavior were common. A detailed case report in 1797 concerning James Tilly Matthews, and accounts by Phillipe Pinel published in 1809, are often regarded as the earliest cases of the illness in the medical and psychiatric literature.[141] The Latinized term dementia praecox was first used by German alienist Heinrich Schule in 1886 and then in 1891 by Arnold Pick in a case report of a psychotic disorder (hebephrenia). In 1893 Emil Kraepelin borrowed the term from Schule and Pick and in 1899 introduced a broad new distinction in the classification of mental disorders between dementia praecox and mood disorder (termed manic depression and including both unipolar and bipolar depression).[142] Kraepelin believed that dementia praecox was probably caused by a long-term, smouldering systemic or "whole body" disease process that affected many organs and peripheral nerves in the body but which affected the brain after puberty in a final decisive cascade.[143] His use of the term "praecox" distinguished it from other forms of dementia such as Alzheimer's disease which typically occur later in life.[144] It is sometimes argued that the use of the term démence précoce in 1852 by the French physician Bénédict Morel constitutes the medical discovery of schizophrenia. However this account ignores the fact that there is little to connect Morel's descriptive use of the term and the independent development of the dementia praecox disease concept at the end of the nineteenth-century.[145] Molecule of chlorpromazine (trade name Thorazine), which revolutionized treatment of schizophrenia in the 1950s The word schizophrenia—which translates roughly as "splitting of the mind" and comes from the Greek roots schizein (s???e??, "to split") and phren, phren- (f???, f?e?-, "mind")[146]—was coined by Eugen Bleuler in 1908 and was intended to describe the separation of function between personality, thinking, memory, and perception. American and British interpretations of Beuler led to the claim that he described its main symptoms as 4 A's: flattened Affect, Autism, impaired Association of ideas and Ambivalence.[147][148] Bleuler realized that the illness was not a dementia, as some of his patients improved rather than deteriorated, and thus proposed the term schizophrenia instead. Treatment was revolutionized in the mid-1950s with the development and introduction of chlorpromazine.[149] In the early 1970s, the diagnostic criteria for schizophrenia were the subject of a number of controversies which eventually led to the operational criteria used today. It became clear after the 1971 US-UK Diagnostic Study that schizophrenia was diagnosed to a far greater extent in America than in Europe.[150] This was partly due to looser diagnostic criteria in the US, which used the DSM-II manual, contrasting with Europe and its ICD-9. David Rosenhan's 1972 study, published in the journal Science under the title "On being sane in insane places", concluded that the diagnosis of schizophrenia in the US was often subjective and unreliable.[151] These were some of the factors leading to the revision not only of the diagnosis of schizophrenia, but the revision of the whole DSM manual, resulting in the publication of the DSM-III in 1980.[152] The term schizophrenia is commonly misunderstood to mean that affected persons have a "split personality". Although some people diagnosed with schizophrenia may hear voices and may experience the voices as distinct personalities, schizophrenia does not involve a person changing among distinct multiple personalities. The confusion arises in part due to the literal interpretation of Bleuler's term schizophrenia (Bleuler originally associated Schizophrenia with dissociation and included split personality in his category of Schizophrenia[153][154]). Dissociative identity disorder (having a "split personality") was also often misdiagnosed as Schizophrenia based on the loose criteria in the DSM-II.[154][155] The first known misuse of the term to mean "split personality" was in an article by the poet T. S. Eliot in 1933.[156] Other scholars have traced earlier roots.[157] Society and culture See also: List of people with schizophrenia and Religion and schizophrenia The term schizophrenia was coined by Eugen Bleuler. In 2002 the term for schizophrenia in Japan was changed from Seishin-Bunretsu-Byo ????? (mind-split-disease) to Togo-shitcho-sho ????? (integration disorder) to reduce stigma.[158] The new name was inspired by the biopsychosocial model; it increased the percentage of patients who were informed of the diagnosis from 37 to 70% over three years.[159] A similar change was made in South Korea in 2012.[160] In the United States, the cost of schizophrenia—including direct costs (outpatient, inpatient, drugs, and long-term care) and non-health care costs (law enforcement, reduced workplace productivity, and unemployment)—was estimated to be $62.7 billion in 2002.[161] The book and film A Beautiful Mind chronicles the life of John Forbes Nash, a Nobel Prize-winning mathematician who was diagnosed with schizophrenia. Violence Individuals with severe mental illness including schizophrenia are at a significantly greater risk of being victims of both violent and non-violent crime.[162] Schizophrenia has been associated with a higher rate of violent acts, although this is primarily due to higher rates of drug use.[163] Rates of homicide linked to psychosis are similar to those linked to substance misuse, and parallel the overall rate in a region.[164] What role schizophrenia has on violence independent of drug misuse is controversial, but certain aspects of individual histories or mental states may be factors.[165] Media coverage relating to violent acts by individuals with schizophrenia reinforces public perception of an association between schizophrenia and violence.[163] In a large, representative sample from a 1999 study, 12.8% of Americans believed that individuals with schizophrenia were "very likely" to do something violent against others, and 48.1% said that they were "somewhat likely" to. Over 74% said that people with schizophrenia were either "not very able" or "not able at all" to make decisions concerning their treatment, and 70.2% said the same of money management decisions.[166] The perception of individuals with psychosis as violent has more than doubled in prevalence since the 1950s, according to one meta-analysis.[167] Research directions See also: Animal models of schizophrenia Research has found a tentative benefit in using minocycline to treat schizophrenia.[168] Nidotherapy or efforts to change the environment of people with schizophrenia to improve their ability to function, is also being studied; however, there is not enough evidence yet to make conclusions about its effectiveness.[169] Negative symptoms have proven a challenge to treat as they are generally not made better by medication. Various agents have been explored for possible benefits in this area.[170] There have been trials on drugs with anti-inflammatory activity, based on the premise that inflammation might play a role in the pathology of schizophrenia Due to the suspicious and troublesome personality traits of paranoia, it is unlikely that someone with paranoia will thrive in interpersonal relationships. Most commonly paranoid individuals tend to be of a single status.[13] According to some research there is a hierarchy for paranoia. The least common types of paranoia at the very top of the hierarchy would be those involving more serious threats. Social anxiety is at the bottom of this hierarchy as the most frequently exhibited level of paranoia.[14] Causes[edit] Social and environmental[edit] Social circumstances appear to be highly influential on paranoid beliefs. Based on data collected by means of a mental health survey distributed to residents of Juarez, Mexico and El Paso, Texas, Paranoid beliefs seem to be associated with feelings of powerlessness and victimization, enhanced by social situations. Potential causes of these effects included a sense of believing in external control, and mistrust which can be strengthened by lower socioeconomic status. Those living in a lower socioeconomic status may feel less in control of their own lives. In addition, this study explains that females have the tendency to believe in external control at a higher rate than males, potentially making females more susceptible to mistrust and the effects of socioeconomic status on paranoia.[15] Emanuel Messinger reports that surveys have revealed that those exhibiting paranoia can evolve from parental relationships and dis-trustworthy environments. These environments could include being very disciplinary, stringent, and unstable. It was even noted that, "indulging and pampering (thereby impressing the child that he is something special and warrants special privileges)," can be contributing backgrounds.[16] Experiences likely to enhance or manifest the symptoms of paranoia include increased rates of disappointment, stress, and a hopeless state of mind.[17] Discrimination has also been reported as a potential predictor of paranoid delusions. Such reports that paranoia seemed to appear more in older patients that had experienced higher levels of discrimination throughout their lives. In addition to this it has been noted that immigrants are quite susceptible to forms of psychosis. This could be due to the aforementioned effects of discriminatory events and humiliation.[18] Physical[edit] A paranoid reaction may be caused from a decline in brain circulation as a result of high blood pressure or hardening of the arterial walls.[16] Based on data obtained by the Dutch NEMISIS project in 2005, there was an association between impaired hearing and the onset of symptoms of psychosis, which was based on a five-year follow up. Some older studies have actually declared that a state of paranoia can be produced in patients that were under a hypnotic state of deafness. This idea however generated much skepticism during its time.[19] Theories and mechanisms[edit] Abnormal reasoning[edit] Many researchers[who?] like to believe that individuals with paranoia have some sort of cognitive deficit or impairment in reasoning ability. Studies have shown that there may not be a direct relationship between the impairments and psychotic delusions, but they rather impact other areas of an individual's life, such as social circumstances which can be important factors for delusions. Other research has shown that cognitive abilities may be altered when threats are involved.[20] This appears to be a common theme among those exhibiting psychotic delusions. An investigation involving one-hundred delusional patients did indeed reveal that these individuals may have a tendency to jump to conclusions rather than look for other potential information.[21] Anomalous perceptual experiences[edit] A very prominent example of this theory is the Capgras delusion or syndrome named after the psychiatrist Joseph Capgras.[22] This involves an individual perceiving that a certain important person within their life has been taken over by an impersonator. Ellis and Young (1990) report that the Capgras delusion may be a result of an impaired ability of recognition such as brain damage.[19] Those suffering from the Capgras syndrome tend to have more suspicious personalities and have unusual visualizations about the world and surrounding environments.[23] Hyper-acute attention is said to be more common in those with paranoia by being able to attend to unfavorable emotions at a higher level. It is also likely that because paranoid personalities focus on threatening events and believe that most intentions are against them, they will be more inclined to recognize these behaviors more frequently.[20] Motivational factors[edit] The attribution model has been well talked about regarding paranoid or delusional individuals. The idea is that they like to assign issues to external events. Motivation behind this characteristic may involve the need for that person to develop a better self-image and maintain self-confidence. There have been debates about whether or not paranoid individuals are more likely to have a low or high self-perception, and results have been generated for both of these hypotheses.[24] Researchers have made a distinction between positive self-esteem and negative self-esteem revealing that paranoid delusional individuals have more of a negative self-evaluation.[25] Violence and paranoia[edit] It has generally been agreed upon that individuals with paranoid delusions will have the tendency to take action based on their beliefs.[26] More research is needed on the particular types of actions that are pursued based on paranoid delusions. Some researchers have made attempts to distinguish the different variations of actions brought on as a result of delusions. Wessely et al. (1993) did just this by studying individuals with delusions of which more than half had reportedly taken action or behaved as a result of these delusions. However, the overall actions were not of a violent nature in most of the informants. The authors note that other studies such as one by Taylor (1985), have shown that violent behaviors were more common in certain types of paranoid individuals, mainly those with a history of being offensive such as prisoners.[27] Other researchers have found associations between childhood abusive behaviors and the appearance of violent behaviors in psychotic individuals. This could be a result of their inability to cope with aggression as well as other people, especially when constantly attending to potential threats in their environment.[28] The attention to threat itself has been proposed as one of the major contributors of violent actions in paranoid people, although there has been much deliberation about this as well.[29] Other studies have shown that there may only be certain types of delusions that promote any violent behaviors, persecutory delusions seem to be one of these.[30] Having resentful emotions towards others and the inability to be able to understand what other people are feeling seem to have an association with violence in paranoid individuals. This was based on a study of paranoid schizophrenic's (one of the common mental disorders that exhibit paranoid symptoms) theory of mind capabilities in relation to empathy. The results of this study revealed specifically that although the violent patients were more successful at the higher level theory of mind tasks, they were not as good at being able to interpret others feelings Main article: Video game controversy There have been calls to regulate violence in video games for nearly as long as the video game industry has existed, with Death Race a notable early example.[36][37] In the 1990s, however, improvements in video game technology allowed for more lifelike depictions of violence in games like Mortal Kombat and Doom. The industry attracted controversy over violent content and concerns about effects they might have on players, generating frequent media stories drawing connections between video games and violent behavior as well as a number of academic studies reporting conflicting findings about the strength of correlations.[36] According to Christopher Ferguson, sensationalist media reports and the scientific community unintentionally worked together in "promoting an unreasonable fear of violent video games".[38] Concerns from parts of the public about violent games led to cautionary, often exaggerated news stories, warnings from politicians and other public figures, and calls for research to prove the connection, which in turn led to studies "speaking beyond the available data and allowing the promulgation of extreme claims without the usual scientific caution and skepticism."[38] Since the 1990s there have been attempts to regulate violent video games in the United States through congressional bills as well as within the industry.[36] Public concern and media coverage of violent video games reached a high point following the Columbine High School massacre in 1999, after which videos were found of the perpetrators talking about violent games like Doom and making comparisons between the acts they intended to carry out and aspects of games.[38][36] Ferguson and others have explained the video game moral panic as part of a cycle that all new media go through.[39][40][38] In 2011, the Supreme Court ruled that legally restricting sales of video games to minors would be unconstitutional and called the research presented in favor of regulation "unpersuasive."[38] 1970s–present: Crime increase[edit] Research shows that fears of increasing crime is often the cause of moral panics (Cohen, 1972; Hall et al. 1978; Goode and Ben-Yehuda 1994). Recent studies have shown that despite declining crime rates, this phenomenon, which often taps into a populations' "herd mentality," continues to occur in various cultures. Japanese jurist Koichi Hamai explains how the changes in crime recording in Japan since the 1990s caused people to believe that the crime rate is rising and that crimes were getting increasingly severe.[41] 1970s–present: War on drugs[edit] Some critics have pointed to moral panic as an explanation for the War on Drugs. For example, a Royal Society of Arts commission concluded that "the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971, ... is driven more by 'moral panic' than by a practical desire to reduce harm."[8] Some have written that one of the many rungs supporting the moral panic behind the war on drugs was a separate but related moral panic, which peaked in the late 90's, involving media's gross exaggeration of the frequency of the surreptitious use of date rape drugs.[42][43][44] News media have been criticized for advocating "grossly excessive protective measures for women, particularly in coverage between 1996 and 1998", for overstating the threat, and for excessively raising it in women's minds for the rest of their lives.[43] For example, showing excessive concerns extending even into the late 2000s, a 2009 Australian study found that of 97 instances of patients admitted to the hospital believing their drinks might have been spiked, drug panel tests were unable to detect any drug in any of the cases.[45] Criticism[edit] In a more recent edition of Folk Devils and Moral Panics, Cohen outlines some of the criticisms that have arisen in response to moral panic theory. One of these is of the term "panic" itself, as it has connotations of irrationality and a lack of control. Cohen maintains that "panic" is a suitable term when used as an extended metaphor.[4] Another criticism is that of disproportionality. The problem with this argument is that there is no way to measure what a proportionate reaction should be to a specific action.[4]:xxvi–xxxi Jarrett Thibodeaux (2014) further argues that the criteria of disproportionality erroneously assumes that a social problem should correspond with some objective criteria of harm. The idea that a social problem should correspond with some objective criteria of harm, but is a moral panic when it does not, is a 'constructionism of the gaps' line of explanation.[46] In "Rethinking 'moral panic' for multi-mediated social worlds", Angela McRobbie and Sarah Thornton argue "that it is now time that every stage in the process of constructing a moral panic, as well as the social relations which support it, should be revised". Their argument is that mass media has changed since the concept of moral panic emerged so "that 'folk devils' are less marginalized than they once were", and that 'folk devils' are not only castigated by mass media but supported and defended by it as well. They also suggest that the "points of social control" that moral panics used to rest on "have undergone some degree of shift, if not transformation."[47] The British criminologist Yvonne Jewkes has also raised issue with the term 'morality', how it is accepted unproblematically in the concept of 'moral panic' and how most research into moral panics fails to approach the term critically but instead accepts it at face value.[48] Jewkes goes on to argue that the thesis and the way it has been used fails to distinguish between crimes that quite rightly offend human morality, and thus elicit a justifiable reaction, and those that demonise minorities. The public are not sufficiently gullible to keep accepting the latter and allowing themselves to be manipulated by the media and the government.[48] Another British criminologist, Steve Hall, goes a step further to suggest that the term 'moral panic' is a fundamental category error. Hall argues that although some crimes are sensationalized by the media, in the general structure of the crime/control narrative the ability of the existing state and criminal justice system to protect the public is also overstated. Public concern is whipped up only for the purpose of being soothed, which produces not panic but the opposite, comfort and complacency.[49] Echoing another point Hall makes, the sociologists Thompson and Williams argue that the concept of 'moral panic' is not a rational response to the phenomenon of social reaction, but itself a product of the irrational middle-class fear of the imagined working-class 'mob'. Using as an example a peaceful and lawful protest staged by local mothers against the re-housing of sex-offenders on their estate, Thompson and Williams show how the sensationalist demonization of the protestors by moral panic theorists and the liberal press was just as irrational as the demonization of the sex offenders by the protesters and the tabloid press.[50] Many sociologists and criminologist (Ungar, Hier, Rohloff) have revised Cohen's original framework. The revisions are compatible with the way in which Cohen theorizes panics in the third Introduction to Folk Devils and Moral The neutrality of this section is disputed. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page. Please do not remove this message until conditions to do so are met. (July 2015) Main articles: Identity politics, Strategic essentialism and Ethnic essentialism In social and political debate, the critique of essentialism arose from post-modernist theory, according to which the essentialist view on gender, sexuality, race, ethnicity, or other group characteristics is that they are fixed traits, discounting variation among group members as secondary. In "The ‘Authentic, Essentialist, Deeply Spiritual’ Other" Linda Smith (2011) writes that “Pedagogically, essentialism was attacked because of its assumption that, because of this essence, it was necessary to be a woman and to experience life as a woman before one could analyse or understand women’s oppression" (p76). Contemporary proponents of identity politics, including feminism, gay rights, and/or racial equality activists, generally take (supposedly) constructionist viewpoints that may still rest on an essential assumption that a preconceived historical 'fact' is 'truth'. For example, they (may) agree with Simone de Beauvoir that "one is not born, but becomes a woman".[30] As 'essence' may imply permanence, some argue that essentialist thinking tends towards political conservatism and therefore opposes social change. Following Rosi Braidotti, Timothy Laurie suggests that 'the “female feminist subject” is not a default partisan perspective inherent in “woman” but an intersection of complex desires and social transformations that exceed any single ideological formulation or identitarian alliance', and that being a feminist 'can only make sense as a relational and social practice'.[31] Nevertheless, essentialist claims have provided useful rallying-points for radical politics, including feminist, anti-racist, and anti-colonial struggles.[citation needed] Examples of books that seek to question various theories and claims of gender essentialism include: The Daddy Shift, by Jeremy Adam Smith; Pink Brain/Blue Brain by Dr. Lise Eliot; and Delusions of Gender by Cordelia Fine In social thought, metaphysical essentialism is often conflated with biological reductionism. Most sociologists, for example, employ a distinction between biological sex and gender role. Similar distinctions across disciplines generally fall under the division of "nature versus nurture". However, this has been contested by Monique Wittig, who argued that even biological sex is not an essence, and that the body's physiology is "caught up" in processes of social construction.[32] In historiography[edit] Essentialism in history as a field of study entails discerning and listing essential cultural characteristics of a particular nation or culture, in the belief that a people or culture can be understood in this way. Sometimes such essentialism leads to claims of a praiseworthy national or cultural identity, or to its opposite, the condemnation of a culture based on presumed essential characteristics. Herodotus, for example, claims that Egyptian culture is essentially feminized and possesses a "softness" which has made Egypt easy to conquer.[33] To what extent Herodotus was an essentialist is a matter of debate; he is also credited with not essentializing the concept of the Athenian identity,[34] or differences between the Greeks and the Persians that are the subject of his Histories[35] Essentialism had been operative in colonialism as well as in critiques of colonialism. Post-colonial theorists such as Edward Said insisted that essentialism was the "defining mode" of "Western" historiography and ethnography until the nineteenth century and even after, according to Touraj Atabaki, manifesting itself in the historiography of the Middle East and Central Asia as Eurocentrism, over-generalization, and reductionism.[36] Most historians reject essentialism because it "dehistoricizes the process of social and cultural changes" and tends to see non-Western societies as historically unchanging; in India this led to the anti-essentialist (even anti-historiographical) school of Subaltern Studies.[37] Criticism[edit] Typically, critics of queer theory are concerned that the approach obscures or glosses altogether the material conditions that underpin discourse.[35] Tim Edwards argues that queer theory extrapolates too broadly from textual analysis in undertaking an examination of the social.[35] Adam Green argues that queer theory ignores the social and institutional conditions within which lesbians and gays live.[36] For example, queer theory dismantles social contingency in some cases (homosexual subject positions) while recuperating social contingency in others (racialized subject positions). Thus, not all queer theoretical work is as faithful to its deconstructionist roots. Reflecting on this issue, Timothy Laurie suggests that "the desire to resist norms in some contemporary queer scholarship can never be entirely reconciled with an equally important challenge, that of producing both adequate and dynamic descriptions of ordinary events".[37] Queer theory's commitment to deconstruction makes it nearly impossible to speak of a "lesbian" or "gay" subject, since all social categories are denaturalized and reduced to discourse.[38] Thus, queer theory cannot be a framework for examining selves or subjectivities—including those that accrue by race and class—but rather, must restrict its analytic focus to discourse.[39] Hence, sociology and queer theory are regarded as methodologically and epistemologically incommensurable frameworks[39] by critics such as Adam Isaiah Green. Thus Green writes that, in an introductory section,[40] Michael Warner (1990s) draws out the possibility of queer theory as a kind of critical intervention in social theory (radical deconstructionism); despite this, he weaves back and forth between the reification and deconstruction of sexual identity. Green argues that Warner begins the volume by invoking an ethnic identity politics, solidified around a specific social cleavage and a discussion of the importance of deconstructing notions of lesbian and gay identities; but, despite its radical deconstructionism, it constructs the queer subject or self in largely conventional terms: as lesbian and gay people bound by homophobic institutions and practices. So, one of the leading volumes of queer theory engages the subject via conventional sociological epistemologies that conceive of subject positions constituted through systems of stratification and organized around shared experience and identity. In other way, for Ian Barnard,[41] any consideration of sexuality must include inextricability with racialized subjectivities. Adam Green argues that Barnard implicitly rejects the queer theoretical conceptions of sexuality on the grounds that such work fails to account for particularity of racialized sexualities. He reasons that the failure arises because queer theorists are themselves white, and therefore operate from the particularity of a white racial standpoint. Barnard aspires to recuperate an analysis of race in queer theory, proposing that the deconstructionist epistemology of queer theory can be used to decompose a white queerness (first) in order to recover a racialized queerness (second). Thus, Adam Green argues that Barnard’s attempt to bring social contingency into queer theory violates the core epistemological premise of queer theory; in fact, by proposing that queer theory capture racialized subject positions, Barnard reinstates what it means to be a person of colour. His critique of the white subject position of queer theorists is itself a testimony to the stability of the social order and the power of social categories to mark a particular kind of experience, of subjectivity and, in turn, of queer author. He backs down the road of a decidedly sociological analysis of subject position and the self. Finally, Jagose[42] Green observes that Jagose aims toward an analysis of social cleavages, including those accruing by race and ethnicity. Thus, on the one, Jagose underscores the strong deconstructionist epistemological premise of the term queer and queer theory more generally. Yet, she goes on to analyze identities and sexualities "inflected by heterosexuality, race, gender and ethnicity". Thus Adam Green states that by advocating the incorporation of social contingency in this way, Jagose offers neither the critical edge of queer theory nor the clarity of standpoint theory. However, on the topic of race, Jagose asserted that for a black lesbian, the thing of utmost importance is her lesbianism, rather than her race. Many gays and lesbians of color attacked this approach, accusing it of re-inscribing an essentially white identity into the heart of gay or lesbian identity (Jagose, 1996).[43] The criticism of queer theory can be divided in three main ideas:[44] It has a failing itineration, the "subjectless critique" of queer studies The unsustainable analysis of this failing self The methodological implication that scholars of sexuality end up reiterating and consolidating social categories Foucault's account of the modern construction of the homosexual, a starting point for much work in queer theory, is itself challenged by Rictor Norton, using the Molly House as one counter-example of a distinctly homosexual subculture before 1836.[45] He critiques the idea that people distinctly identifying in ways now associated with being gay did not exist before the medical construction of homosexual pathology in his book The Myth of the Modern Homosexual.[46] Queer theory underestimates the Foucauldian insight that power produces not just constraint, but also, pleasure, according to Barry Adam (2000) and Adam Isaiah Green (2010). Adam suggests that sexual identity categories, such as "gay", can have the effect of expanding the horizon of what is imaginable in a same-sex relationship, including a richer sense of the possibilities of same-sex love and dyadic commitment.[47] And Green argues that queer is itself an identity category that some self-identified "queer theorists" and "queer activists" use to consolidate a subject-position outside of the normalizing regimes of gender and sexuality.[48] These examples call into question the degree to which identity categories need be thought of as negative, in the evaluative sense of that term, as they underscore the self-determining potentials of the care of the self – an idea advanced first by Foucault in Volumes II and III of The History of Sexuality. The role of queer theory, and specifically its replacement of historical and sociological scholarship on lesbian and gay people's lives with the theorising of lesbian and gay issues, and the displacement of gay and lesbian studies by gender and queer studies, has been criticised by activist and writer Larry Kramer.[49][50][51] Kramer reports on a retrograde book by Richard Godbeer, a professor of history and gender studies at the University of Miami, called The Overflowing of Friendship. Kramer criticizes Godbeer’s account of 18th century Colonial times. Kramer writes, "Godbeer is hell-bent on convincing us that two men in Colonial America could have exceedingly obsessive and passionate relationships (he called them, variously, 'sentimental,' 'loving,' 'romantic') . . . [men would] spend many a night in bed together talking their hearts out, without the issue of sex arising in any way."[52] Kramer does not agree with this theory and believes that the notion the same-sex sexual relationships and experiences existed. Another criticism is that queer theory, in part because it typically has recourse to a very technical jargon, is written by a narrow elite for that narrow elite. It is therefore class biased and also, in practice, only really known and referenced at universities and colleges (Malinowitz, 1993).[43] An initial criticism on queer theory is that precisely "queer" does not refer to any specific sexual status or gender object choice. For example, Halperin (1995)[43] allows that straight persons may be "queer," which some believe, robs gays and lesbians of the distinctiveness of what causes them to be marginalized. It desexualizes identity, when the issue is precisely about a sexual identity (Jagose, 1996).[43] Defeated in he was the longest serving member of the lower house of the Diet and he was also the first former prime minister to be defeated at a re election since Served as Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary – Minister of Education – – Member of the Diet from to Kiichi Miyazawa ?? ?? Miyazawa Kiichi – Rep for Hiroshima rd November August LDP Jiminto Kiichi Reshuffle LDP — Originally a bureaucrat in the Treasury Ministry he accompanied Prime Minister Shigeru Yoshida at the Treaty of San Francisco A firm critic of the revision of the constitution he advocated peace throughout his political career After his party s stunning defeat in the general election he was forced to resign the Prime Ministership but became Minister of Finance in the cabinet of Keizo Obuchi and Yoshiro Mori from to He died in Served as Minister of Economy Trade and Industry – – – – Chief Cabinet Secretary – Minister of Finance – Minister of Posts and Telecommunications and Minister of Agriculture Forestry and Fisheries Member of the House of Councillors – Symbols Flag Coat of Arms Notable people Gallery See also References External links History edit The city of Yauco was named after the river Yauco which was originally known as coayuco by the Taínos meaning "yucca plantation" The area of Yauco was considered as the capital of "Boriken" Taíno name of Puerto Rico and was governed by Agüeybana the most powerful Taíno "cacique" chief in the island All the other Caciques were subject to and had to obey Agüeybaná even though they governed their own tribes Upon Agüeybaná s death in his nephew Güeybaná also known as Agüeybaná II became the most powerful Cacique in the island Agüeybaná II had his doubts about the "godly" status of the Spaniards He came up with a plan to test these doubts he and Urayoán cacique of Añasco sent some of their tribe members to lure a Spaniard by the name of Diego Salcedo into a river and drown him They watched over Salcedo s body to make sure that he would not resuscitate Salcedo s death was enough to convince him and the rest of the Taíno people that the Spaniards were not gods This in turn led to the failed Taíno rebellion of In the Spanish settlers of the region built a small chapel and named it "Nuestra Señora del Santísimo Rosario" Our Lady of the Rosary The settlers sent Fernando Pacheco as their representative to the Spanish Government to request the establishment of a municipality since one of the requisites to such a request the establishment of a place of worship had been met On February the King of Spain granted the settlers their request and the town of Yauco was established Fernando Pacheco was named First Lieutenant of War of the new town th century Corsican immigration edit Early Yauco Coffee Plantation Pre Main article Corsican immigration to Puerto Rico The island of Puerto Rico is very similar in geography to the island of Corsica and therefore appealed to the many Corsicans who wanted to start a "new" life Under the Spanish Royal Decree of Graces the Corsicans and other immigrants were granted land and initially given a "Letter of Domicile" after swearing loyalty to the Spanish Crown and allegiance to the Catholic Church After five years they could request a "Letter of Naturalization" that would make them Spanish subjects Hundreds of Corsicans and their families immigrated to Puerto Rico from as early as and their numbers peaked in the s The first Spanish settlers settled and owned the land in the coastal areas the Corsicans tended to settle the mountainous southwestern region of the island primary in the towns of Adjuntas Lares Utuado Ponce Coamo Yauco Guayanilla and Guánica However it was Yauco whose rich agricultural area attracted the majority of the Corsican settlers The three main crops in Yauco were coffee sugar cane and tobacco The new settlers dedicated themselves to the cultivation of these crops and within a short period of time some were even able to own and operate their own grocery stores However it was with the cultivation of the coffee bean that they would make their fortunes Cultivation of coffee in Yauco originally began in the Rancheras and Diego Hernández sectors and later extended to the Aguas Blancas Frailes and Rubias sectors The Mariani family created a machine out of a cotton gin in the s which was used in the dehusking of coffee This represented a significant improvement in Puerto Rico s coffee appearance and an opportunity to stand out in the international coffee market By the s the Corsican settlers were the leaders of the coffee industry in Puerto Rico and seven out of ten coffee plantations were owned by Corsicans Intentona de Yauco edit Flag flown by Fidel Vélez and his men during the "Intentona de Yauco" revoltMain article Intentona de Yauco The second and last major revolt against Spanish colonial rule in Puerto Rico by Puerto Rico s pro independence movement known as the Intentona de Yauco a k a the "Attempted Coup of Yauco" was staged in Yauco The revolt which occurred on of March was organized by Antonio Mattei Lluberas Mateo Mercado and Fidel Vélez and was backed up by leaders of "El Grito de Lares" the first major independence attempt who were in exile in New York City as members of the Puerto Rican Revolutionary Committee

Humanities scholar Camille Paglia—while not objecting to the study of homosexuality, bisexuality, or other queer subjects per se—has been harshly critical of queer theory's post-structuralist roots, which she regards as generally unscholarly. She has described prominent queer theorists as "flimflamming freeloaders Critical ethnography Critical legal studies Critical management studies Critical pedagogy Critical philosophy Critical psychiatry Critical psychology Critical race theory Critical thinking Critique of technology Cultural materialism (cultural studies) Cultural studies Culture theory Engaged theory Feminist theory Foucault–Habermas debate Hermeneutics Living educational theory Humanist Marxism Literary theory Political philosophy Political radicalism Postcolonialism Rule according to higher law Semiotics of culture Social criticism Tartu-Moscow Semiotics School Queer Theory Journals related and/or dedicated to critical theory or critical sociology[edit] Constellations Representations Critical Inquiry Telos Law & Critique This section needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (July 2012) Further information: New Left and Critical theory A number of different philosophical and historical schools, often grouped together as "postmodernism", began reinterpreting scientific achievements of the past through the lens of the practitioners, often positing the influence of politics and economics in the development of scientific theories in addition to scientific observations. Rather than being presented as working entirely from positivistic observations, many scientists of the past were scrutinized for their connection to issues of gender, sexual orientation, race, and class. Some more radical philosophers, such as Paul Feyerabend, argued that scientific theories were themselves incoherent and that other forms of knowledge production (such as those used in religion) served the material and spiritual needs of their practitioners with equal validity as did scientific explanations. Imre Lakatos advanced a midway view between the "postmodernist" and "realist" camps. For Lakatos, scientific knowledge is progressive; however, it progresses not by a strict linear path where every new element builds upon and incorporates every other, but by an approach where a "core" of a "research program" is established by auxiliary theories which can themselves be falsified or replaced without compromising the core. Social conditions and attitudes affect how strongly one attempts to resist falsification for the core of a program, but the program has an objective status based on its relative explanatory power. Resisting falsification only becomes ad-hoc and damaging to knowledge when an alternate program with greater explanatory power is rejected in favor of another with less. But because it is changing a theoretical core, which has broad ramifications for other areas of study, accepting a new program is also revolutionary as well as progressive. Thus, for Lakatos the character of science is that of being both revolutionary and progressive; both socially informed and objectively justified. The science wars[edit] In Higher Superstition: The Academic Left and Its Quarrels With Science (1994), the scientists Paul R. Gross and Norman Levitt accused postmodernists of anti-intellectualism, presented the shortcomings of relativism, and suggested that postmodernists knew little about the scientific theories they criticized and practiced poor scholarship for political reasons. The authors insist that the "science critics" misunderstood the theoretical approaches they criticized, given their "caricature, misreading, and condescension, [rather] than argument."[4][5][6][7] The book sparked the so-called science wars. Higher Superstition inspired a New York Academy of Sciences conference titled The Flight from Science and Reason, organised by Gross, Levitt, and Gerald Holton.[8] Attendees of the conference were critical of the polemical approach of Gross and Levitt, yet agreed upon the intellectual inconsistency of how laymen, non-scientist, and social studies intellectuals dealt with science.[9] Science wars in Social Text[edit] In 1996, Social Text, a Duke University publication of postmodern critical theory, compiled a "Science Wars" issue containing brief articles by postmodernist academics in the social sciences and the humanities, that emphasized the roles of society and politics in science. In the introduction to the issue, the Social Text editor, Andrew Ross, said that the attack upon science studies was a conservative reaction to reduced funding for scientific research, characterizing the Flight from Science and Reason conference as an attempted "linking together a host of dangerous threats: scientific creationism, New Age alternatives and cults, astrology, UFO-ism, the radical science movement, postmodernism, and critical science studies, alongside the ready-made historical specters of Aryan-Nazi science and the Soviet error of Lysenkoism" that "degenerated into name-calling."[10] The historian Dorothy Nelkin characterised Gross and Levitt’s vigorous response as a "call to arms in response to the failed marriage of Science and the State" — in contrast to the scientists’ historical tendency to avoid participating in perceived political threats, such as creation science, the animal rights movement, and anti-abortionists’ attempts to curb fetal research [clarification needed]. At the end of the Soviet–American Cold War (1945–91), military funding of science declined, while funding agencies demanded accountability, and research became directed by private interests. Nelkin suggested that postmodernist critics were "convenient scapegoats" who diverted attention from problems in science.[11] Also in 1996, physicist Alan Sokal had submitted an article to Social Text titled "Transgressing the Boundaries: Towards a Transformative Hermeneutics of Quantum Gravity," which proposed that quantum gravity is a linguistic and social construct and that quantum physics supports postmodernist criticisms of scientific objectivity. After holding the article back from earlier issues due to Sokal's refusal to consider revisions, the staff published it in the "Science Wars" issue as a relevant contribution.[12] Later, in the May 1996 issue of Lingua Franca, in the article "A Physicist Experiments With Cultural Studies", Sokal exposed his parody-article, "Transgressing the Boundaries" as an experiment testing the intellectual rigor of an academic journal that would "publish an article liberally salted with nonsense if (a) it sounded good and (b) it flattered the editors’ ideological preconceptions".[13] The matter became known as the "Sokal Affair" and brought greater public attention to the wider conflict.[14] Jacques Derrida, a frequent target of "anti-relativist" criticism in the wake of Sokal's article, responded to the hoax in "Sokal and Bricmont Aren't Serious," first published in Le Monde. He called Sokal's action sad (triste) for having overshadowed Sokal's mathematical work and ruined the chance to sort out controversies of scientific objectivity in a careful way. Derrida went on to fault him and co-author Jean Bricmont for what he considered an act of intellectual bad faith: they had accused him of scientific incompetence in the English edition of a follow-up book (an accusation several English reviewers noted), but deleted the accusation from the French edition and denied that it had ever existed. He concluded, as the title indicates, that Sokal was not serious in his approach, but had used the spectacle of a "quick practical joke" to displace the scholarship Derrida believed the public deserved.[15] Continued conflict[edit] In the first few years after the 'Science Wars' edition of Social Text, the seriousness and volume of discussion increased significantly, much of it focused on reconciling the 'warring' camps of postmodernists and scientists. One significant event was the 'Science and Its Critics' conference in early 1997; it brought together scientists and scholars who study science, and featured Alan Sokal and Steve Fuller as keynote speakers. The conference generated the final wave of substantial press coverage (in both news media and scientific journals), though by no means resolved the fundamental issues of social construction and objectivity in science.[16] Other attempts have been made to reconcile the two camps. Mike Nauenberg, a physicist at the University of California, Santa Cruz, organized a small conference in May 1997 that was attended by scientists and sociologists of science alike, among them Alan Sokal, N. David Mermin and Harry Collins. In the same year, Collins organized the Southampton Peace Workshop, which again brought together a broad range of scientists and sociologists. The Peace Workshop gave rise to the idea of a book that intended to map out some of the arguments between the disputing parties. The One Culture?: A Conversation about Science, edited by chemist Jay A. Labinger and sociologist Harry Collins, was eventually published in 2001. The book, the title of which is a reference to C.P. Snow's The Two Cultures, contains contributions from authors such as Alan Sokal, Jean Bricmont, Steven Weinberg and Steven Shapin.[17] Other important publications related to the science wars include Fashionable Nonsense by Sokal and Jean Bricmont (1998), The Social Construction of What? by Ian Hacking (1999) and Who Rules in Science by James Robert Brown. To John C. Baez, the Bogdanov Affair in 2002[18] served as the bookend to the Sokal controversy: the review, acceptance, and publication of papers, later alleged to be nonsense, in peer-reviewed physics journals. Cornell physics professor Paul Ginsparg, argued that the cases are not at all similar, and that the fact that some journals and scientific institutions have low standards is "hardly a revelation."[19] The new editor in chief of the journal Annals of Physics, who was appointed after the controversy along with a new editorial staff, had said that the standards of the journal had been poor leading up to the publication since the previous editor had become sick and died.[18] Interest in the science wars has waned considerably in recent years. Though the events of the science wars are still occasionally mentioned in mainstream press, they have had little effect on either the scientific community or the community of critical theorists.[citation needed] Both sides continue to maintain that the other does not understand their theories, or mistakes constructive criticisms and scholarly investigations for attacks. As Bruno Latour recently put it, "Scientists always stomp around meetings talking about 'bridging the two-culture gap', but when scores of people from outside the sciences begin to build just that bridge, they recoil in horror and want to impose the strangest of all gags on free speech since Socrates: only scientists should speak about science!"[20] Subsequently, Latour has suggested a re-evaluation of sociology's epistemology based on lessons learnt from the Science Wars: "… scientists made us realize that there was not the slightest chance that the type of social forces we use as a cause could have objective facts as their effects."[21] However, more recently some of the leading critical theorists have recognized that their critiques have at times been counter-productive, and are providing intellectual ammunition for reactionary interests. Writing about these developments in the context of global warming, Bruno Latour noted that "dangerous extremists are using the very same argument of social construction to destroy hard-won evidence that could save our lives. Was I wrong to participate in the invention of this field known as science studies? Is it enough to say that we did not really mean what we meant?"[22] Donald Kennedy, editor-in-chief of Science, has said that skeptics such as Michaels are lobbyists more than researchers, and that "I don't think it's unethical any more than most lobbying is unethical", he said. He said donations to skeptics amounts to "trying to get a political message across".[238] Global warming skeptic Reid Bryson said in June 2007 that "There is a lot of money to be made in this... If you want to be an eminent scientist you have to have a lot of grad students and a lot of grants. You can't get grants unless you say, 'Oh global warming, yes, yes, carbon dioxide'."[239] Similar positions have been advanced by University of Alabama, Huntsville climate scientist Roy Spencer, Spencer's University of Alabama, Huntsville colleague and IPCC contributor John Christy, University of London biogeographer Philip Stott,[240] Accuracy in Media,[241] and Ian Plimer in his 2009 book Heaven and Earth — Global Warming: The Missing Science. Richard Lindzen, the Alfred P. Sloan Professor of Meteorology at MIT, said that "[in] the winter of 1989 Reginald Newell, a professor of meteorology [at MIT], lost National Science Foundation funding for data analyses that were failing to show net warming over the past century". Lindzen also suggested that four other scientists "apparently" lost their funding or positions after questioning the scientific underpinnings of global warming.[242] Lindzen himself has been the recipient of money from energy interests such as OPEC and the Western Fuels Association, including "$2,500 a day for his consulting services",[243] as well as funding from US federal sources including the National Science Foundation, the Department of Energy, and NASA.[244] Debate over most effective response to warming[edit] See also: List of scientists opposing the mainstream scientific assessment of global warming In recent years some skeptics have changed their positions regarding global warming. Ronald Bailey, author of Global Warming and Other Eco-Myths (published by the Competitive Enterprise Institute in 2002), stated in 2005, "Anyone still holding onto the idea that there is no global warming ought to hang it up".[245] By 2007, he wrote "Details like sea level rise will continue to be debated by researchers, but if the debate over whether or not humanity is contributing to global warming wasn't over before, it is now.... as the new IPCC Summary makes clear, climate change Pollyannaism is no longer looking very tenable".[246] "There are alternatives to its [the climate-change crusade's] insistence that the only appropriate policy response is steep and immediate emissions reductions.... a greenhouse-gas-emissions cap ultimately would constrain energy production. A sensible climate policy would emphasize building resilience into our capacity to adapt to climate changes.... we should consider strategies of adaptation to a changing climate. A rise in the sea level need not be the end of the world, as the Dutch have taught us". says Steven F. Hayward of American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think-tank.[247] Hayward also advocates the use of "orbiting mirrors to rebalance the amounts of solar radiation different parts of the earth receive"—the space sunshade example of so-called geoengineering for solar radiation management. In 2001 Richard Lindzen, asked whether it was necessary to try to reduce CO2 emissions, said that responses needed to be prioritised. "You can't just say, 'No matter what the cost, and no matter how little the benefit, we'll do this'. If we truly believe in warming, then we've already decided we're going to adjust...The reason we adjust to things far better than Bangladesh is that we're richer. Wouldn't you think it makes sense to make sure we're as robust and wealthy as possible? And that the poor of the world are also as robust and wealthy as possible?"[248] Others argue that if developing nations reach the wealth level of the United States this could greatly increase CO2 emissions and consumption of fossil fuels. Large developing nations such as India and China are predicted to be major emitters of greenhouse gases in the next few decades as their economies grow.[249][250] The conservative National Center for Policy Analysis whose "Environmental Task Force" contains a number of climate change skeptics including Sherwood Idso and S. Fred Singer[251] says, "The growing consensus on climate change policies is that adaptation will protect present and future generations from climate-sensitive risks far more than efforts to restrict CO2 emissions".[252] The adaptation-only plan is also endorsed by oil companies like ExxonMobil, "ExxonMobil's plan appears to be to stay the course and try to adjust when changes occur. The company's plan is one that involves adaptation, as opposed to leadership",[253] says this Ceres report.[254] Gregg Easterbrook characterized himself as having "a long record of opposing alarmism". In 2006, he stated, "based on the data I'm now switching sides regarding global warming, from skeptic to convert".[255] The Bush administration also voiced support for an adaptation-only policy in the US in 2002. "In a stark shift for the Bush administration, the United States has sent a climate report [U.S. Climate Action Report 2002] to the United Nations detailing specific and far-reaching effects it says global warming will inflict on the American environment. In the report, the administration also for the first time places most of the blame for recent global warming on human actions—mainly the burning of fossil fuels that send heat-trapping greenhouse gases into the atmosphere". The report however "does not propose any major shift in the administration's policy on greenhouse gases. Instead it recommends adapting to inevitable changes instead of making rapid and drastic reductions in greenhouse gases to limit warming".[256] This position apparently precipitated a similar shift in emphasis at the COP 8 climate talks in New Delhi several months later,[257] "The shift satisfies the Bush administration, which has fought to avoid mandatory cuts in emissions for fear it would harm the economy. 'We're welcoming a focus on more of a balance on adaptation versus mitigation', said a senior American negotiator in New Delhi. 'You don't have enough money to do everything'".[258][259] The White House emphasis on adaptation was not well received however: Despite conceding that our consumption of fossil fuels is causing serious damage and despite implying that current policy is inadequate, the Report fails to take the next step and recommend serious alternatives. Rather, it suggests that we simply need to accommodate to the coming changes. For example, reminiscent of former Interior Secretary Hodel's proposal that the government address the hole in the ozone layer by encouraging Americans to make better use of sunglasses, suntan lotion and broad-brimmed hats, the Report suggests that we can deal with heat-related health impacts by increased use of air-conditioning ... Far from proposing solutions to the climate change problem, the Administration has been adopting energy policies that would actually increase greenhouse gas emissions. Notably, even as the Report identifies increased air conditioner use as one of the 'solutions' to climate change impacts, the Department of Energy has decided to roll back energy efficiency standards for air conditioners. —?Letter from 11 State Attorneys General to George W. Bush., [260] Some find this shift and attitude disingenuous and indicative of an inherent bias against prevention (i.e. reducing emissions/consumption) and for the prolonging of profits to the oil industry at the expense of the environment. "Now that the dismissal of climate change is no longer fashionable, the professional deniers are trying another means of stopping us from taking action. It would be cheaper, they say, to wait for the impacts of climate change and then adapt to them" says writer and environmental activist George Monbiot[261] in an article addressing the supposed economic hazards of addressing climate change. Others argue that adaptation alone will not be sufficient.[262] See also Copenhagen Consensus. Though not emphasized to the same degree as mitigation, adaptation to a climate certain to change has been included as a necessary component in the discussion as early as 1992,[263] and has been all along.[264] However it was not to the exclusion, advocated by the skeptics, of preventative mitigation efforts, and therein, say carbon cutting proponents, lies the difference.[265] Another highly debated potential climate change mitigation strategy is Cap and Trade due to its direct relationship with the economy. Political pressure on scientists[edit] Many climate scientists state that they are put under enormous pressure to distort or hide any scientific results which suggest that human activity is to blame for global warming. A survey of climate scientists which was reported to the US House Oversight and Government Reform Committee in 2007 noted that "Nearly half of all respondents perceived or personally experienced pressure to eliminate the words 'climate change', 'global warming' or other similar terms from a variety of communications". These scientists were pressured to tailor their reports on global warming to fit the Bush administration's climate change scepticism. In some cases, this occurred at the request of former oil-industry lobbyist Phil Cooney, who worked for the American Petroleum Institute before becoming chief of staff at the White House Council on Environmental Quality (he resigned in 2005 before being hired by ExxonMobil).[266] In June 2008, a report by NASA's Office of the Inspector General concluded that NASA staff appointed by the White House had censored and suppressed scientific data on global warming in order to protect the Bush administration from controversy close to the 2004 presidential election.[267] U.S. officials, such as Philip Cooney, have repeatedly edited scientific reports from US government scientists,[268] many of whom, such as Thomas Knutson, have been ordered to refrain from discussing climate change and related topics.[269][270][271] Attempts to suppress scientific information on global warming and other issues have been described by journalist Chris Mooney in his book The Republican War on Science. Climate scientist James E. Hansen, director of NASA's Goddard Institute for Space Studies, wrote in a widely cited New York Times article[272] in 2006 that his superiors at the agency were trying to "censor" information "going out to the public". NASA denied this, saying that it was merely requiring that scientists make a distinction between personal, and official government, views in interviews conducted as part of work done at the agency. Several scientists working at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration have made similar complaints;[273] once again, government officials said they were enforcing long-standing policies requiring government scientists to clearly identify personal opinions as such when participating in public interviews and forums. The BBC's long-running current affairs series Panorama recently investigated the issue, and was told that "scientific reports about global warming have been systematically changed and suppressed".[274] Scientists who agree with the consensus view have sometimes expressed concerns over what they view as sensationalism of global warming by interest groups and the press. For example, Mike Hulme, director of the Tyndall Centre for Climate Research, wrote how increasing use of pejorative terms like "catastrophic", "chaotic" and "irreversible", had altered the public discourse around climate change: "This discourse is now characterised by phrases such as 'climate change is worse than we thought', that we are approaching 'irreversible tipping in the Earth's climate', and that we are 'at the point of no return'. I have found myself increasingly chastised by climate change campaigners when my public statements and lectures on climate change have not satisfied their thirst for environmental drama and exaggerated rhetoric".[275] According to an Associated Press release on 30 January 2007, Climate scientists at seven government agencies say they have been subjected to political pressure aimed at downplaying the threat of global warming. The groups presented a survey that shows two in five of the 279 climate scientists who responded to a questionnaire complained that some of their scientific papers had been edited in a way that changed their meaning. Nearly half of the 279 said in response to another question that at some point they had been told to delete reference to "global warming" or "climate change" from a report".[276] Critics writing in the Wall Street Journal editorial page state that the survey[277] was itself unscientific.[278] In addition to the pressure from politicians, many prominent scientists working on climate change issues have reported increasingly severe harassment from members of the public. The harassment has taken several forms. The US FBI told ABC News that it was looking into a spike in threatening emails sent to climate scientists, while a white supremacist website posted pictures of several climate scientists with the word "Jew" next to each image. One climate scientist interviewed by ABC News had a dead animal dumped on his doorstep and now frequently has to travel with bodyguards.[279] In April 2010, Virginia Attorney General Ken Cuccinelli claimed that leading climate scientist Michael E. Mann had possibly violated state fraud laws, and without providing any evidence of wrongdoing, filed the Attorney General of Virginia's climate science investigation as a civil demand that the University of Virginia provide a wide range of records broadly related to five research grants Mann had obtained as an assistant professor at the university from 1999 to 2005. This litigation was widely criticized in the academic community as politically motivated and likely to have a chilling effect on future research.[280][281] The university filed a court petition and the judge dismissed Cuccinelli's demand on the grounds that no justification had been shown for the investigation.[282] Cuccinelli issued a revised subpoena, and appealed the case to the Virginia Supreme Court which ruled in March 2012 that Cuccinelli did not have the authority to make these demands. The outcome was hailed as a victory for academic freedom.[283][284] Exxon Mobil is also notorious for skewing scientific evidence through their private funding of scientific organizations. In 2002, Exxon Mobil contributed $10,000 to The Independent Institute and then $10,000 more in 2003. In 2003, The Independent Institute release a study that reported the evidence for imminent global warming found during the Clinton administration was based on now-dated satellite findings and wrote off the evidence and findings as a product of "bad science."[285] This is not the only consortium of skeptics that Exxon Mobil has supported financially. The George C. Marshall Institute received $630,000 in funding for climate change research from ExxonMobil between 1998 and 2005. Exxon Mobil also gave $472,000 in funding to The Board of Academic and Scientific Advisors for the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow from 1998 to 2005. Dr. Frederick Seitz, well known as "the god father of global warming skepticism," served as both Chairman Emeritus of The George C. Marshall Institute and a board member of the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow from 1998 to 2005.[286] Litigation[edit] Several lawsuits have been filed over global warming. For example, Massachusetts v. Environmental Protection Agency before the Supreme Court of the United States allowed the EPA to regulate greenhouse gases under the Clean Air Act. A similar approach was taken by California Attorney General Bill Lockyer who filed a lawsuit California v. General Motors Corp. to force car manufacturers to reduce vehicles' emissions of carbon dioxide. This lawsuit was found to lack legal merit and was tossed out.[287][288] A third case, Comer v. Murphy Oil USA, Inc., a class action lawsuit filed by Gerald Maples, a trial attorney in Mississippi, in an effort to force fossil fuel and chemical companies to pay for damages caused by global warming. Described as a nuisance lawsuit, it was dismissed by District Court.[289] However, the District Court's decision was overturned by the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, which instructed the District Court to reinstate several of the plaintiffs' climate change-related claims on 22 October 2009.[290] The Sierra Club sued the U.S. government over failure to raise automobile fuel efficiency standards, and thereby decrease carbon dioxide emissions.[291][292] McIntyre was critical of this Nature blog entry because von Storch did not acknowledge the role of McIntyre and McKitrick: They then proceed to discuss various articles on the Hockey Stick mentioning Bürger, Moberg, borehole papers, the NAS report, but failing to mention McIntyre and McKitrick. Pretty annoying.[193] However von Storch replied[194] that: This was on purpose, as we do not think that McIntyre has substantially contributed in the published peer-reviewed literature to the debate about the statistical merits of the MBH and related method. They have published one peer-reviewed article on a statistical aspect, and we have published a response – acknowledging that they would have a valid point in principle, but the critique would not matter in the case of the hockey-stick ... we see in principle two scientific inputs of McIntyre into the general debate – one valid point, which is however probably not relevant in this context, and another which has not been properly documented. Further reconstructions Main article: Hockey stick graph Further reconstructions were published, using additional proxies and different methodology. Mann identifies Juckes et al. 2007 and Lee, Zwiers & Tsao 2008 for examples.[195] In July 2008 Huang, Pollack and Shen published a suite of borehole reconstructions covering 20,000 years. They showed warm episodes in the mid-Holocene and the Medieval period, a little ice age and 20th century warming reaching temperatures higher than Medieval Warm Period peak temperatures in any of the reconstructions: they described this finding as consistent with the IPCC AR4 conclusions.[196] In a paper published by PNAS on 9 September 2008, Mann and colleagues produced updated reconstructions of Earth surface temperature for the past two millennia.[31] This reconstruction used a more diverse dataset that was significantly larger than the original tree-ring study, at more than 1,200 proxy records. They used two complementary methods, both of which showed a similar "hockey stick" graph with recent increases in northern hemisphere surface temperature are anomalous relative to at least the past 1300 years. Mann said, "Ten years ago, the availability of data became quite sparse by the time you got back to 1,000 AD, and what we had then was weighted towards tree-ring data; but now you can go back 1,300 years without using tree-ring data at all and still get a verifiable conclusion."[197] In a PNAS response, McIntyre and McKitrick said that they perceived a number of problems, including that Mann et al used some data with the axes upside down.[198] Mann et al. replied that McIntyre and McKitrick "raise no valid issues regarding our paper" and the "claim that 'upside down' data were used is bizarre", as the methods "are insensitive to the sign of predictors." They also said that excluding the contentious datasets has little effect on the result.[199] The hockey stick graph was given further support by Kaufman et al. 2009 which reconstructed the climate of the Arctic over the last 2,000 years,[200] and a new method of analysis using Bayesian statistics developed by Martin Tingley and Peter Huybers.[201] Climatic Research Unit email controversy Main articles: Climatic Research Unit email controversy and Climatic Research Unit documents In the Climatic Research Unit email controversy (also known as "Climategate") which began in November 2009, extracts from a few of the stolen emails and other documents hacked from a server at the Climatic Research Unit (CRU) at the University of East Anglia (UEA) were taken out of context to support allegations against scientists working on the instrumental temperature record and on climate reconstructions.[202] The most quoted phrase took words from an e-mail of 16 November 1999 written by Phil Jones which referred to a graph he was preparing as a diagram for the cover of the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) statement on the status of global climate in 1999.[203][204] Jones wrote: "I've just completed Mike's Nature trick of adding in the real temps to each series for the last 20 years (ie, from 1981 onwards) and from 1961 for Keith's to hide the decline."[205] In science, the term "trick" is slang for a clever (and legitimate) technique, in this case Michael E. Mann's technique for comparing two different data sets,[206] and "the decline" referred to the already published divergence problem with tree ring density proxies affecting the post 1960 part of Keith Briffa's reconstruction graph. Despite this and the fact that 1999 had just seen record breaking global temperatures, the email was widely misquoted as a "trick" to "hide the decline" as though it referred to a decline in measured global temperatures, an accusation made publicly by the politicians Sarah Palin and Jim Inhofe.[204] Questions were raised about the Soon and Baliunas controversy and a 2003 email from Mann suggesting "we have to stop considering Climate Research as a legitimate peer-reviewed journal. Perhaps we should encourage our colleagues in the climate research community to no longer submit to, or cite papers in, this journal."[207] The allegation by Pat Michaels of the Cato Institute that pressure from Jones and Mann was responsible for the resignations at Climate Research[208] was rejected by Hans von Storch, who said that he had resigned "with no outside pressure, because of insufficient quality control on a bad paper – a skeptic's paper, at that."[209] Michaels also alleged a bias against letting sceptics like himself publish in peer reviewed journals;[208] Mann said that the only bias was a requirement for good quality papers, and other climate skeptics had succeeded in getting their work in mainstream journals.[210] Eight independent investigations of the allegations and the emails all found that there was no evidence of fraud or scientific misconduct by the scientists. One report, by the United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), considered detailed petitions raised by conservative activists and business groups with reference to the emails: the EPA examined every email and concluded that there was no merit to the claims in the petitions, which "routinely misunderstood the scientific issues", reached "faulty scientific conclusions", "resorted to hyperbole", and "often cherry-pick language that creates the suggestion or appearance of impropriety, without looking deeper into the issues."[211] Continuing research Main article: Hockey stick graph A 2010 opinion piece by David Frank, Jan Esper, Eduardo Zorita and Rob Wilson (Frank et al. 2010) noted that by then over two dozen large-scale climate reconstructions had been published, showing a broad consensus that there had been exceptional 20th century warming after earlier climatic phases, notably the Medieval Warm Period and Little Ice Age. There were still issues of large-scale natural variability to be resolved, especially for the lowest frequency variations, and they called for further research to improve expert assessment of proxies and to develop reconstruction methods explicitly allowing for structural uncertainties in the process.[13] New studies using different methods continued to extend the period covered by reconstructions. Ljungqvist's 2,000 year extratropical Northern Hemisphere reconstruction generally agreed well with Mann et al. 2008, though it used different methods and covered a different area.[212] Studies by Christiansen and Ljungqvist investigated previous underestimation of low-frequency variability, and reaffirmed Mann et al.'s conclusions about the Little Ice Age and the Medieval Warm Period.[213] as did Ljungqvist et al. 2012 which used a larger network of proxies than previous studies. Marcott et al. 2013 used seafloor and lake bed sediment proxies to reconstruct global temperatures over the past 11,300 years, the last 1,000 years of which confirmed the original MBH99 hockey stick graph The Climatic Research Unit developed its gridded CRUTEM data set of land air temperature anomalies from instrumental temperature records held by National Meteorological Organisations around the world, often under formal or informal confidentiality agreements that restricted use of this raw data to academic purposes, and prevented it from being passed onto third parties. Over 95% of the CRU climate data set had been available to the public for several years before July 2009,[73] when the university received numerous FOI requests for raw data or details of the confidentiality agreements from Stephen McIntyre and readers of his Climate Audit blog. Phil Jones of CRU announced that requests were being made to all the National Meteorological Organisations for their agreement to waive confidentiality,[126] with the aim of publishing all the data jointly with the Met Office.[127] McIntyre complained that data denied to him had been sent to Jones's colleague Peter Webster at the Georgia Institute of Technology for work on a joint publication, and FOI requests for this data were made by Jonathan A. Jones of the University of Oxford and Don Keiller of Anglia Ruskin University.[128] Both requests were refused by the UEA by 11 September 2009.[129] Though some National Meteorological Organisations gave full or conditional agreement to waive confidentiality, others failed to respond, and the request was explicitly refused by Trinidad and Tobago and Poland. In discussions with the ICO, the university argued that the data was publicly available from the Met organisations, and the lack of agreement exempted the remaining data. In its decision released on 23 June 2011, the ICO stated that the data was not easily available, and required the university to release the data covered by the FOIA request.[129] On 27 July 2011 CRU announced that the raw instrumental data not already in the public domain had been released and was available for download, with the exception of Poland which was outside the area covered by the FOIA request. The university remained concerned "that the forced release of material from a source which has explicitly refused to give permission for release could have some damaging consequences for the UK in international research collaborations."[128][130] In September 2011 the ICO issued new guidance to universities, taking into account issues raised in relation to the CRU information requests. This describes exceptions and exemptions to protect research, including allowance for internal exchange of views between academics and researchers, leaving formulation of opinions on research free from external scrutiny. It notes the benefits of actively disclosing information when it is in the public interest, and disclosure of personal email information related to public authority business.[131] Media coverage[edit] See also: Media coverage of climate change The initial story about the hacking originated in the blogosphere,[6] with columnist James Delingpole picking up the term "Climategate" from an anonymous blogger on Watts Up With That?, a blog created by climate sceptic Anthony Watts. The site was one of three blogs that received links to the leaked documents on 17 November 2009. Delingpole first used the word "Climategate" in the title of his 20 November article for The Telegraph: "Climategate: the final nail in the coffin of 'Anthropogenic Global Warming'?" A week later, his co-worker, Christopher Booker, gave Delingpole credit for coining the term.[7] Following the release of documents in the blogosphere, unproven allegations and personal attacks against scientists increased and made their way into the traditional media. Physicist Mark Boslough of the University of New Mexico noted that many of the attacks on scientists came from "bloggers, editorial writers, Fox News pundits, and radio talk show hosts who have called them liars and vilified them as frauds". According to Chris Mooney & Sheril Kirshenbaum in their book Unscientific America (2010), the accusations originated in right wing media and blogs, "especially on outlets like Fox News." Journalist Suzanne Goldenberg of The Guardian reported that according to an analysis by Media Matters, "Fox had tried to delegitimise the work of climate scientists in its coverage of the hacked emails from the University of East Anglia" and had "displayed a pattern of trying to skew coverage in favour of the fringe minority which doubts the existence of climate change".[12] The intense media coverage of the documents stolen from climate researchers at the University of East Anglia created public confusion about the scientific consensus on climate change, leading several publications to comment on the propagation of the controversy in the media in the wake of a series of investigations that cleared the scientists of any wrongdoing. In an editorial, the New York Times described the coverage as a "manufactured controversy," and expressed hope that the investigations clearing the scientists "will receive as much circulation as the original, diversionary controversies".[132] Writing for Newsweek, journalist Sharon Begley called the controversy a "highly orchestrated, manufactured scandal", noting that the public was unlikely to change their mind. Regardless of the reports exonerating the scientists, Begley noted that "one of the strongest, most-repeated findings in the psychology of belief is that once people have been told X, especially if X is shocking, if they are later told, 'No, we were wrong about X,' most people still believe X."[133] Jean-Pascal van Ypersele, vice-chair of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) and science historian Naomi Oreskes said that the "attacks on climate science that were made ahead of the Copenhagen climate change summit were 'organised' to undermine efforts to tackle global warming and mirror the earlier tactics of the tobacco industry".[134] Noting the media circus that occurred when the story first broke, Oreskes and Erik Conway writing about climate change denial, said that following the investigations "the vindication of the climate scientists has received very little coverage at all. Vindication is not as sexy as accusation, and many people are still suspicious. After all, some of those emails, taken out of context, sounded damning. But what they show is that climate scientists are frustrated, because for two decades they have been under attack."[135] Bill Royce, head of the European practice on energy, environment and climate change at the United States communications firm Burson-Marsteller, also described the incident as an organised effort to discredit climate science. He said it was not a single scandal, but "a sustained and coordinated campaign" aimed at undermining the credibility of the science. Disproportionate reporting of the original story, "widely amplified by climate deniers", meant that the reports that cleared the scientists received far less coverage than the original allegations, he said.[136] Journalist Curtis Brainard of the Columbia Journalism Review criticised newspapers and magazines for failing to give prominent coverage to the findings of the review panels, and said that "readers need to understand that while there is plenty of room to improve the research and communications process, its fundamental tenets remain as solid as ever."[137] CNN media critic Howard Kurtz expressed similar sentiments.[138] Public opinion and political fallout[edit] Jon Krosnick, professor of communication, political science and psychology at Stanford University, said scientists were overreacting. Referring to his own poll results of the American public, he said "It's another funny instance of scientists ignoring science." Krosnick found that "Very few professions enjoy the level of confidence from the public that scientists do, and those numbers haven't changed much in a decade. We don't see a lot of evidence that the general public in the United States is picking up on the (University of East Anglia) emails. It's too inside baseball."[139] The Christian Science Monitor, in an article titled "Climate scientists exonerated in 'climategate' but public trust damaged," stated, "While public opinion had steadily moved away from belief in man-made global warming before the leaked CRU emails, that trend has only accelerated."[140] Paul Krugman, columnist for the New York Times, argued that this, along with all other incidents which called into question the scientific consensus on climate change, was "a fraud concocted by opponents of climate action, then bought into by many in the news media."[141] But UK journalist Fred Pearce called the slow response of climate scientists "a case study in how not to respond to a crisis" and "a public relations disaster".[142] A. A. Leiserowitz, Director of the Yale University Project on Climate Change, and colleagues found in 2010 that: Climategate had a significant effect on public beliefs in global warming and trust in scientists. The loss of trust in scientists, however, was primarily among individuals with a strongly individualistic worldview or politically conservative ideology. Nonetheless, Americans overall continue to trust scientists more than other sources of information about global warming. —?[6] In late 2011, Steven F. Hayward wrote that "Climategate did for the global warming controversy what the Pentagon Papers did for the Vietnam war 40 years ago: It changed the narrative decisively."[143] An editorial in Nature said that many in the media "were led by the nose, by those with a clear agenda, to a sizzling scandal that steadily defused as the true facts and context were made clear."[144] Further release, 2011[edit] On 22 November 2011, a second set of approximately 5,000 emails, apparently hacked from University of East Anglia servers at the same time as those in the 2009 release, was posted on a Russian server with links distributed to the message boards on several climate skeptic websites.[145] A message accompanying the emails quoted selective passages from them, highlighting many of the same issues raised following the original Daniel F. Akerson: Managing Director of the Carlyle Group Charlene Barshefsky: Former United States Trade Representative Ursula M. Burns: President of Xerox Corporation Kenneth I. Chenault: Chairman and CEO of American Express Co. Peter Chernin: Former President and COO, News Corporation Vernon E. Jordan, Jr.: Senior Managing Director with Lazard Freres & Co. LLC Jan Leschly: CEO of Care Capital LLC The original News Corporation or News Corp. was an American multinational mass media corporation headquartered in New York City. It was the world's fourth-largest media group in 2014 in terms of revenue.[7][8][9][10][11] Board members include prominent former Spanish prime minister Jose Maria Aznar.[12] News Corporation was a publicly traded company listed on the NASDAQ. Formerly incorporated in Adelaide, South Australia, the company was re-incorporated under Delaware General Corporation Law after a majority of shareholders approved the move on 12 November 2004. News Corporation was headquartered at 1211 Avenue of the Americas, New York, in the newer 1960s–1970s corridor of the Rockefeller Center complex. On 28 June 2012, Rupert Murdoch announced that, after concerns from shareholders in response to its recent scandals and to "unlock even greater long-term shareholder value", News Corporation's assets would be split into two publicly traded companies, one oriented towards media, and the other towards publishing. The split formally took place on 28 June 2013; where the present News Corp. was renamed 21st Century Fox and consists primarily of media outlets, while a new News Corp was formed to take on the publishing and Australian broadcasting assets . Its major holdings at the time of the split were News Limited (a group of Yernar Yerimbetov born gymnast Radik Zhaparov born ski jumper Dias Keneshev born biathlete Askhat Zhitkeyev born judoka silver prize winner of the Summer Olympics Arman Chilmanov born taekwondo athlete bronze prize vinner of the Summer Olympics Alexander Vinokourov born cyclist Writers and Poets edit Abay Qunanbayuli poet composer and philosopher Ibrahim Altynsarin pedagogue writer Mukhtar Auezov writer public figure Bukhar zhirau Kalmakanov poet Akhmet Baytursinuli poet writer pedagogue and politician Alikhan Bokeikhanov writer political activist and environmental scientist Mirjaqip Dulatuli poet writer and a leader of Alash Orda government Qabdesh Jumadilov born writer Bakhytzhan Kanapyanov born poet and lyricist Mukaghali Makatayev akyn poet Kasym Amanjolov poet Baurzhan Momyshuly writer Hero of the Soviet Union of WWII Sabit Mukanov poet and writer Gabit Musirepov — writer playwright Saken Seyfullin poet and writer national activist Magjan Jumabayev writer publicist founder of modern Kazakh literature Mukhtar Shakhanov born writer lawmaker ambassador Olzhas Suleimenov born poet politician and anti nuclear activist Sultanmahmut Toraygirov poet and writer Shokan Walikhanuli scholar ethnographer and historian Khoja Akhmet Yassawi poet and Sufi Muslim mystic Tauman Torekhanov born writer journalist and executive editor Gallery edit Kassym Jomart Tokayev Assan Bazayev Shamshi Kaldayakov Talgat Musabayev Freedom heroes edit Koitalel Arap Samoei Me Katilili Wa Menza mother of colonial resistance Field Marshal Dedan Kimathi Field Marshal Musa Mwariama General Waruhiu Itote General China Jomo Kenyatta J M Kariuki Jaramogi Oginga Odinga Ramogi Achieng Oneko Paul Ngei Tom Mboya Masinde Muliro Tom Mboya Kubu Kubu Politicians edit Moody Awori Vice President August – December Nicholas Biwott Member of Parliament former Cabinet Ministère Cyrus Jirongo Josephat Karanja Vice President – J M Kariuki assassinated Uhuru Kenyatta son of the first President Jomo Kenyatta and th President of Kenya present Mwai Kibaki rd President of Kenya Dec – March Michael Wamalwa Kijana Vice President January – Aug Kenneth Matiba Tom Mboya Cabinet Minister assassinated Musalia Mudavadi Vice President November – December Joseph Murumbi Vice President – Simeon Nyachae Charity Ngilu first female to run for presidency Raila Odinga former Cabinet Minister Member of Parliament Son of Oginga Odinga and former Prime Minister Quincy Timberlake President Platinum Centraliser and Unionist Party of Kenya Appolo Ohanga James Orengo Robert Ouko Cabinet Minister assassinated Pio Gama Pinto assassinated Charles Rubia George Saitoti Vice President May – Dec Apr – August Makhan Singh freedom fighter Fitz R S de Souza Member of Parliament and Deputy Speaker – Kalonzo Musyoka Vice President Jan – March William Ruto Deputy Vice President April present Martha Karua John Michuki Njenga Karume Jeremiah Nyagah long serving cabinet minister and member of Parliament Barack Obama US President to date Obama held both U S and Kenyan citizenship as a child but lost his Kenyan citizenship automatically on his rd birthday Martin Nyaga Wambora the First Governor of Embu former chairman of Kenya Airports Authority successful Runyenjes MP and noted former Kenya s trade secretary Businesspeople edit Awadh Saleh Sherman Activists edit Fidelis Wainaina Wanjiru Kihoro Thomas Muguro Njoroge Administrators edit Edward H Ntalami Chris Kirubi Muthui Kariuki Patrick Emongaise Academics edit Dr Geoffrey William Griffin born June died June Louis Leakey paleontologist Dr Meave G Leakey paleontologist Mary Douglas Leakey paleontologist Dr Richard Leakey paleontologist environmentalist politician and former Director of Kenya Wildlife Services KWS Prof Wangari Maathai born environmentalist women s rights activist politician and Nobel Prize winner Prof Ali Mazrui Prof Ratemo Michieka Prof Peter Amollo Odhiambo thoracic and cardiovascular surgeon Prof Thomas R Odhiambo entomologist and environmental scientist Florence Wambugu born plant pathologist and virologist Prof Mike Boit Department of Sports Science Kenyatta University Prof Bethwell Allan Ogot Prof Calestous Juma Professor of the Practice of International Development Director Science Technology Globalization Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs Harvard University Prof Simeon Hongo OMINDE historian Writers edit See List of Kenyan writers Religious leaders edit Cardinal John Njue Cardinal Maurice Michael Otunga Archbishop John Njenga Apostle Doctor Peter Irimia Sportspersons edit Matthew Birir Amos Biwott Mike Boit Richard Chelimo Joyce Chepchumba Jason Dunford Paul Ereng Ben Jipcho Julius Kariuki Kipchoge Keino Ezekiel Kemboi Joseph Keter Wilson Kipketer born and raised in Kenya now a citizen of Denmark Wilson Boit Kipketer Moses Kiptanui Sally Kipyego All American runner for Texas Tech University Ismael Kirui Samson Kitur Daniel Komen Julius Korir Paul Korir Reuben Kosgei Bernard Lagat Tegla Loroupe Edith Masai Shekhar Mehta Catherine Ndereba Noah Ngeny John Ngugi Margaret Okayo Dennis Oliech soccer player now based in France Yobes Ondieki Henry Rono Peter Rono David Rudisha Moses Tanui William Tanui Naftali Temu Paul Tergat Steve Tikolo widely regarded in cricket as the best batsman outside of the test playing nations Robert Wangila McDonald Mariga soccer player now based in Italy plays for Serie A club Internazionale Victor Wanyama soccer player now based in England plays for Southampton and captains the Kenya national team Musicians edit Musa Juma Rhumba Maestro Fundi Konde David Kabaka Eric Wainaina musician Henrie Mutuku Daniel Owino Misiani Suzzana Owíyo Tony Nyadundo David Mathenge a k a Nameless Ken Ring Fadhili William of Malaika fame Jua Cali Stella Mwangi Nonini Roger Whittaker Dave Okumu Aakash Shah DJ Nairobi Joseph Kamaru Kikuyu songwriter Mukhtar Shakhanov Aliya Yussupova Dariga Nazarbayeva Absattar Derbisali Marat Tazhin Nayef Al Qadi Ali Abu al Ragheb Ali Khulqi Al Sharyri Ali Suheimat Sheikh Attallah Suheimat Salah Suheimat MP Dr Tareq Suheimat Bahjat Talhouni former Prime Minister Fayez Tarawneh Novelists poets researchers and writers edit Nasr Abdel Aziz Eleyan Samer Libdeh researcher writer Suleiman Mousa historian writer Haider Mahmoud poet writer Abdel Rahman Munif novelist Samer Raimouny poet activist Mustafa Wahbi Mustafa Wahbi Al Tal poet Military men edit Captain Muath al Kasasbeh Royal Jordanian Air Force pilot captured held hostage and burned alive by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant Habis Al Majali Abdelsalam al Majali Brigadier General Abdullah Ayasrah General Muhammad Suheimat died Physicians edit Abdelsalam al Majali Daoud Hanania Tareq Suheimat Athletes edit Amer Deeb Dima and Lama Hattab ultramarathon runners Musicians edit Mahmoud Radaideh Former ambassadors edit Nabil Talhouni Business people edit Iman Mutlaq Mohammed Shehadeh José Ferrer Juano Hernández Jennifer Lopez Rita Moreno Choe Yong–Sool Seo Bok–Sub Sin Sang–Chul Kim Hak–Bong Kim Gwi–Chul Kim Jang–Sub Kim Jae–hee Kim gwi–hwa Artists edit Visual artists edit Main article List of Korean painters Media artists edit Paik Nam June Dancers edit Sujin Kang Hong Professional Break Dancer Red Bull BC One Halla Pai Huhm Filmmakers edit See also List of Korean film directors Ahn Byeong ki Bong Joon ho Hong Sang soo Im Kwon taek Jang Joon hwan Kim Jee woon Kim Ki duk Lee Chang dong Park Chan wook Nelson Shin Song Hae sung Yoon Je kyoon Poets and authors edit See also List of Korean language poets Baek Minseok Baek Seok Bang Hyun seok Chae Ho ki Chan Jeong Cheong Chi yong poet Choi Seung ho poet Cho Sung ki novelist Choi Il nam novelist Choi Soo cheol Chun Woon young Do Jong hwan poet Gu Hyo seo Ha Geun chan author Hailji author Han Bi ya a travel writer Han Mahlsook novelist Ha Seong ran author Heo Su gyeong poet Hong Sung won author Hwang In suk poet Hwang Ji u poet Hyun Kil un Jang Eun jin Jang Jeong il Jang Seok nam poet Jeon Gyeong rin Jeon Sang guk Jeong Do sang Jung Ihyun Jung Hansuk Jung Mi kyung Kim Byeol ah Kye Yong mook Han Chang hun author Kang Chol hwan an author of The Aquariums of Pyongyang Kang Sok kyong Kang Young sook Ko Un Kim Sa in Kim Eon Kim Gi taek Kim Gwangrim Kim Gyeong uk Kim Haki Kim Hu ran Kim Jae Young Kim Jong gil Kim Ju yeong Kim Kwang kyu Kim Kyung ju Kim Mi wol Kim Sang ok Kim Sinyong Kim Seon wu Kim Seong dong Kim Seung hee Kim Sowol Kim Tak hwan Kim Wonu Kim Yeong hyeon Kim Yong man Kwak Jae gu Kwon Jeong Saeng Kwon Yeo sun Lee Eun sang poet Lee Kang baek Korean playwright Lee Ho cheol Lee Hye gyeong Lee Hyeonggi born Lee In hwa Lee Jangwook author and poet Lee Ki ho author Lee Mun ku author Lee Oyoung author and critic Lee Soon won Lee Sungboo poet and novelist Lee Yuksa Lee Yun gi Lee Yuntaek dramatist and poet Ma Jonggi born Lee Mankyo Moon Chung hee Moon Taejun Nam Jung hyun Oh Kyu won born Oh Sangwon author Oh Soo yeon author Oh Taeseok Park Chong hwa novelist Paik Gahuim Park Hee jin Park Hyoung su Park Jaesam born Park Jeong dae Park Mok wol Park Kyung ni Ynhui Park Park Sang ryung Park Sangsoon Park Taesun Park Tae won Park Yeonghan Park Yong rae Han Yong un Ra Hee duk Seo Jeong in Seo Hajin Shin Yong mok born Sim Yunkyung So Young en Song Gisuk Song Giwon Song Sokze Song Yeong Sung Chan gyeong – Yi In seong Yi Kyoung ja Yun Dong ju Fashion designers edit Andre Kim Richard Chai Cho Young Wan Businesspeople edit See also Category South Korean businesspeople Ahn Cheol Soo Chung Ju yung Chung Mong hun Euh Yoon dae Lee Byung chul Lee Kun Hee David Chang Entertainers edit Actors edit See also List of South Korean actors Jang Keun suk Jung Joon ho Daniel Dae Kim Jung Il woo Kim Woo Bin Lee Dong wook Park Yoochun Comedians edit Ryan Bang Won Ho Chung Defconn H Eugene Margaret Cho Haha Jeong Hyeong don Jeong Jun ha