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Pornography debates During the 1970s and 1980s, the main topics in the feminist discourse on women's sexuality were pornography, prostitution, and human trafficking. This led to the birth of the mobilization for sex worker rights in America. Carol Leigh is credited with coining the term "sex work" in the early 1980s and it was later popularized by a book published in 1989 called Sex Work.[5] Around this time, pornography, in particular, was a prominent debate among feminists campaigning for women's rights. The feminists involved in these debates held opposing views on how to eliminate sexual violence against women, and those involved were either classified as "liberal feminists" or "radical feminists". A third group of feminists is described as "pro-sex" or "sex positive feminism", and this view is considered the true feminist defense of pornography.[6] Radical feminist The argument of the radical side rests upon the premise that pornography depicts women as subordinates and perpetrates violence against women.[7] Some of the main anti-porn feminists involved in the debates included Page Mellish, Andrea Dworkin, and Catharine MacKinnon. Dworkin insisted that the oppression of women occurs through sexual subordination, and that in order for gender equality to exist, subordination must be eliminated. Thus, she states that pornography and prostitution are incompatible with gender equality.[7] Similarly, MacKinnon states that pornography is an act of sexual violence.[8] On the grounds that pornography violated women's civil rights, she and Dworkin proposed a law named the "Anti-Pornography Civil Rights Ordinance" that allowed women to seek reparations for damages done by pornography through civil courts. Likewise, Page Mellish, the founder of Feminists Fighting Pornography (FFP), believed that issues facing feminists were rooted in pornography. Mellish allied with conservatives in 1992 to fight for the passing of the "Pornography Victims' Compensation Act", which was modeled after Dworkin and MacKinnon's ordinance
Liberal feminist Contrarily, liberal feminists believe that capitalism allows women to freely make whatever choices they desire. As such, some women freely choose to participate in pornography, as they do in other forms of labour. The main thing that these feminists fight for is anti-censorship, regardless of whether they personally agree with pornography or not.[6] On this side of the debate are feminists such as Gayle Rubin and Lynn Chancer. Rubin argues that anti-pornography laws could negatively harm sexual minorities such as gays/lesbians, sex workers, and feminists because they would create new problems and modes of abuse resulting from the anti-pornography side's use of a limited amount of porn that demonstrates the most extreme cases of violence such as sadomasochism.[10][11] Likewise, Chancer argues that it is possible for such imagery to be able to circulate consensually and lawfully while genuine feelings of pleasure are being experienced without women feeling subordinated.[12] She also states that some of these feminists believe that pornography is negatively affecting women by leading to violence against women when in actuality it is not. Thus, she concludes that radical feminists are looking at pornography as a quick fix to a much larger societal problem.[13] Sex-positive feminist Sex-positive feminists believe that no form of sexual expression should be vilified, except that which is not consensual.[14] One of the main advocates of this feminist perspective is Carol Queen. She argues that radical feminists probably generalize too widely as far as women are concerned, and do not take into consideration more complicated circumstances such as sadomasochism and prostitution. Elisa Glick also states that configurations of power within relationships do not prevent women from exercising

they can be used to enable women to exercise it.[15] Men on Porn There is debate on whether the consumption of porn among men is good for their well being, though in a study of over 300 men aged 18 to 73 97% report that they have watched porn, with 94% reporting having done so in the last 6 months and 82% reporting doing so in a manner they would consider "regularly". Men of all ages report an overall positive experience with porn, though younger men express greater negative than older men- which researchers speculate is because porn skews their perceptions of sex.[16] "Sex Wars" debate Pornography debates provided leeway for the emergence of the "Sex Wars" debates, a title assigned by feminist scholars. These debates began in the 1980s and centered upon ways that women were depicted in heterosexual sexual relations. The main premise of the anti-pornography movement rests upon the argument that pornography is degrading and violent towards women. These feminists also believe that pornography encourages men to behave violently towards women.[7] However, liberal feminists argued that this argument does not take into account the pleasure that women can experience, stating that these arguments could backfire against women and actually subject them to a greater degree of subordination.[10] Thus, the debates started to become centralized on the role of dominance within heterosexual relationships and how this dominance is transferred to other areas of women's lives. These theories of male sexuality and female objectification and sexuality are controversial because they framed later debates about human trafficking, in which coerced workers are distinguished from voluntary workers.[17] Human trafficking The human trafficking debate, a prominent discourse in the 21st century, has materialized as a result of the movement. Current debates center on whether the best way to protect women would be through abolition, criminalization, decriminalization, or legalization. Legalization Sex worker advocates who are fighting for legalization or decriminalization of prostitution contend that criminalizing consensual sex acts among adults creates a black market which worsens the problem of forced human trafficking rather than reducing it. They decry the paternalistic attitude of what they disparagingly call "rescue missions", law enforcement raids that regard all sex workers as in need of "saving" fail to distinguish the minority of sex workers who are coerced from the vast majority who engage in sex work voluntarily.[18] Furthermore, liberal feminists such as Ronald Weitzer and Gayle Rubin, argue that the definition of sex work as inherently violent has created a “moral panic” that influences political discourse.[11][19] They contend that this "panic" has led to the construction of a trafficking victim who may actually be a woman migrating for work. These feminists argue that this can backfire because it does not protect those women who voluntarily enter into sex work.[18] Criminalization Opponents of the sex workers' rights movement, such as Melissa Farley and Janice Raymond, argue that prostitution should be abolished because legalization can increase incidences of human trafficking. The New UN Trafficking Protocol by Raymond argues that many victims are trafficked to countries in which sex work is legalized or decriminalized, and because they are trafficked under the guise of migrants they are not protected. Raymond also argues that it is impossible to separate the exploitation experienced by local prostitutes from the exploitative experiences of trafficked prostitutes, as they are very similar. Thus, to end sex slavery, the report declares that everyone involved in sex work needs to be criminalized so that the industry can be abolished.[20] Similarly, Farley argues that engagement in voluntary sex work is a decision made by women in the absence of alternative choices,[21] and that it therefore cannot accurately be described as a voluntary and freely made choice. Legality of prostitution Most activists campaigning for the formation of policies that protect sex workers from violence fall into two main categories: abolitionism or criminalization, and legalization or decriminalization.[22] Abolitionism or criminalization Early reformers identified the key problem with prostitution as male lust that lured innocent women into a depraved life as prostitutes.[22] Thus, abolitionist proponents believe that prostitution is an exploitative system that is harmful to the women involved.[23] Therefore, these activists believe that in order to prevent violence against women, the customers, pimps, and panderers should be punished so that the entire institution can be demolished.[24] Because this policy approach is built upon the idea that women are helpless victims, opponents of this view believe that it is paternalistic and not empowering to women.[22] A study by Melissa Farley, a well-known supporter of the abolition of prostitution, and colleagues, suggests that violence is an intrinsic part of prostitution in which the chances of experiencing violence increases along with the number of years involved in prostitution. This study also concludes that prostitution tends to be multi-traumatic in all forms.[25] Farley and colleagues also used the Netherlands as an example of a country to support the idea that legalized prostitution can still inflict harm on those involved. They stated that over 90% of the sex workers tend to show symptoms of PTSD. Therefore, these proponents advocate for abolitionism and criminalization as a method of protecting sex workers.[25] Criminalization proponents believe that the way to protect women from interpersonal violence is to punish both sex workers and customers for partaking in the buying and selling of sex.[22] Support for criminalization Many proponents of abolitionism or criminalization of prostitution commonly use ten reasons based on studies done on the effects of prostitution in countries where it is legalized or decriminalized.[26] Prostitution is a gift to pimps, traffickers, and the sex industry. Prostitution promotes sex trafficking. Prostitution expands the sex industry instead of controlling it. Prostitution increases clandestine, illegal, and street prostitution because many women do not participate in health checks or registration and do not want to be controlled by businessmen. Prostitution increases child prostitution. Prostitution doesn't protect women in prostitution. Prostitution makes it socially acceptable for men to buy sex, and women are viewed as sexual commodities that men are encouraged to partake in. Prostitution does not promote women's health because the condom-use policy is not strictly enforced. Prostitution does not enhance women's choice. Prostitutes do not want the sex industry legalized or decriminalized.[26] Legalization or decriminalization Legalization or decriminalization proponents, on the other hand, believe that the selling and buying of sex exchange will continue no matter what. Therefore, the only way to effectively prevent violence is to acknowledge this and for government to build policies and laws that deal with the issue through regulation of the business.[22] Legalization/Decriminalization proponents believe that a system that prohibits prostitution creates an oppressive environment for prostitutes.[27] Proponents of this view also recommend that policies are built that places restrictions on trafficking and exploitation of sex workers.[28] Support for decriminalization Main article: Decriminalizing sex work The legalization of sex work often entails additional restrictions and requirements placed on sex workers as well as registering with official government offices. Additionally, many activists favor decriminalization over legalization. Decriminalization involves a focus on laws which protect the rights of sex workers, such as those against coercion into or to stay in sex work, while all consensual sexual contact between adult sex workers and adult clients would not be criminalized.[22] Ronald Weitzer, a well-known proponent for the legalization/decriminalization of prostitution, stated that the use of nonscientific evidence about prostitution has contributed to a "moral panic" because opponents commonly use the argument that prostitution is inherently violent and unable to be regulated. However, he also claims that other governments have been able to reject this notion and find ways to regulate it and uses Nevada as an example.[19] Below are some of the main premises that the pro-legalization and pro-decriminalization of prostitution movement rests upon.[29] Prostitution is a transaction where no one is harmed, and the persons involved are consenting adults. Prostitution is a free choice. Sex work is no more moral or immoral than other jobs. Sex trafficking and coercion into the industry can be effectively reduced if sex work is legalized or decriminalized. Decriminalization or legalization can protect sex workers from violence most effectively. The spread of diseases can be hindered through the legalization or decriminalization of prostitution. The rates of rape could decrease if prostitution were legalized or decriminalized. Sex work could become a legal business, and human rights and worker's rights could be enforced by effective regulation. Prostitution is a career option in which the free market is being taken advantage of and women's claims over their own bodies. The criminalization of sex workers only exacerbates problems that they are already facing. Therefore, the decriminalization or legalization can be a starting point to addressing these issues.[29] Decriminalization is supported by academics, human rights organizations, such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the American Civil Liberties Union, UN agencies, such as UNAIDS, WHO, and UNDP, LGBT organizations such as ILGA and Lambda Legal, and anti-trafficking organizations such as the Global Alliance Against Traffic in Women, La Strada International, and the Freedom Network USA.[30] Employment Depending on regional law, sex workers' activities may be regulated, controlled, tolerated, or prohibited. For example, prostitution is illegal in many countries, but it is fully legalized in several jurisdictions, including the Netherlands, Germany, some Australian states, and several counties in the US state of Nevada.

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